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REPOUT FOR 1860,

The Hakluyt Society has now completed the thirteenth
year of its existence, and has, during that period, issued
twenty-five valuable volumes relating to early voyages and
travels in every part of the world. The number of sub-
scribers has been steadily maintained at a point which has
enabled the Council to ensure the efficiency of the Society ;
and they now have the satisfaction to report that the funds
continue in a prosperous condition.

The Council have given their best consideration to the
price at which new subscribers during the present year
should be allowed to receive the past publications of the
Society, the earlier series of which have become scarce, and
have fixed it at Nine Guineas, that sum not including the
subscription for the year.

Since the last General Meeting the following volumes
have been delivered to members :

" Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons during
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries;" containing the
Journey of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Koyal Commentaries
of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; the Voyage of Francisco de
Orellana, from the General History of Herrera ; and the
Voyage of Christoval de Acuha, from a narrative written by
himself in 1641. Edited and translated, with an Introduc-
tion and a descriptive list of the principal Tribes in the
Valley of the Amazons, by Clements E,. Markham, Esq^.

" Early Voyages to Australia/' a collection of documents
showing the early discoveries of Australia to the time of
Captain Cook. Edited by E. H. Major, Esq., of the British
Museum, F.S.A.

Two volumes will be delivered to members during the
course of the present year, one of which is completed and
will be issued immediately, and the other is in a very for-
ward state, viz. :

*'' The Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzales de
Clavijo to the Court of Timour at Samarcand, a.d. 1403-6."
Translated for the first time, with Notes, a Preface, and an
Introductory Life of Timoui-, by Clements R. Markham,
Esq.

" A Collection of Documents forming a Monograph of
the Voyages of Henry Hudson." Edited, with an Intro-
duction, by George Asher, Esq., LL.D.

In addition to the above works, five others have been
undertaken by Editors, and some of them are now in pro-
gress, viz, :

The Fifth Letter of Hernando Cortes ; being that
describing his Voyage to Honduras in 1525-6. To be
translated and edited by E. G. Squier, Esq.

The Voyage of Vasco de Gama round the Cape of
Good Hope in 1497 ; now first translated from a contem-
poraneous manuscript, accompanied by other documents
forming a Monograph of the Life of Do Gama. To be
translated and edited by Eichard Garnett, Esq., of the
British Museum.

The Travels of Ludovico Vartema, in Syria, Arabia,
Persia, and India, during the sixth century. To be trans-
lated and edited by Count Pepoli.

Narrative of the Voyage of the" Tyrant Agiirre,"
DOWN the river OF THE Amazons, by Fray Pedro Simon.
To be translated for the first time by W. BoUaert, Esq.

The Voyages of Mendana and Quiros in the South
Seas, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
To be translated from Figueroa's " Hechos del Marques
de Canete/' and Torquemada's " Monarquia Indiana," and
edited by Clements R. Markham, Esq.

The following six Members retire from the Council, viz. ;

The Right Hon. Lord Broughton.

John Barrow, Esq., F.R.'S.

Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill.

Egerton Harcourt, Esq.

The Right Hon. Lord Taunton.

His Excellency the Count de Lavradio.

Of this number, the three following are recommended for
re-election, viz. :

Lord Broughton.

Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill.

The Count de Lavradio.

And the names of the following gentlemen are proposed
for election, viz, :

Sir John Bowring, LL.D.

The Right Hon. Lord Wensleydale

The Rev. W. Whewell, D.D.

The Council have also to report that the Honorary
Secretary, Mr. Clements R. Markham, having been sent to
South America on a Government Mission, which will entail
an absence of a year and a half, Mr. Major has kindly
undertaken to perform the ordinary duties of Honorary
Secretary during that period. As Mr. Markham has pre-
pared works for publication, which will meet the demands
of subscribers during his absence, the Council have resolved

that he shall retain the Secretaryship, if his duties do not
detain him from England later than April 1861.

Statement of the Accounts of the Society for the year 1859-60.

Balance

It last Audit

420

Received

by Bankers

during

the

year..

yo3

,«C30 2 8

Mr. Richards, for Printing three
Works ....' 292 14

Mr. J. E. Richard, for Paper

Translations and Transcriptions . .

Advertisements

Map

Index

Gratuity to Agent's Foreman ....

Stationery, Parcels, Postage, and
Sundries 4 0 C

3.^2 5 0

Present Balance at Bankers 239 6 3

Ditto in Petty Cash 8 11 5

!92

Examined and Approved, March 5th, 1860.

W. B. RYE,
RICHARD GARNETT.

WORKS ISSUED BY

Clje ?^afelugt ^onetK.

HENRY HUDSON, THE NAVIGATOR.

jr.nccc.i.x.

HENEY HUDSON

THE

NAVIGATOR.

THE ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

IN WHICH HIS CAREER IS RECORDED
COLLECTED, PARTLY TRANSLATED, AND ANNOTATED,

With

AN INTRODUCTION,

G. M. ASHER, LL.D. ''>]': V''

LONDON: ;/.■

PRINTED F <J R THE II A K L U Y T SOCIETY,

.M.DCCC.I.X.

LONDON :
T. RICITAUDS, 07 GREAT IJUEEN STIiEET.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCIIISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., D.C.L., Coir. Mom. lust. F,
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c., Pkesident.

The marquis OF LANSDOWNE )

I Vice-Presidents.
Bear-Admiral C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE.C.B. '

Sir JOHN BO\VRING, LL.D.

Ut. Hon. LORD I5R0UGHT0N.

The lord ALFRED SPENCER CHURCHILL, M.P.

CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, Esq.

Rt. Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS.

Sir henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.

JOHN FOSTER, Esq.

Lieut-Gen. CHARLES RICHARD FOX.

R. W. GREY, Esq.

JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A.

His Excellency the COUNT DE LAVRADTO,

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.

The EARL OF SHEFFIELD.

The IlT. Hon. LORD WENSLEYDALE.

The Rev. ',V. WTIEWELL.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., Honorary Secretary.

THE ILLUSTRIOUS FRENCU GEOaRAPIIKK,

MONSIEUR D ' A V E Z A C ,

Tins BOOK IS DEDICATED,

AS A MARK OF AFFECTIONATE REGARD,

AND AS A TOKEN OF GRATITUDE FOR MUCH KIND

ENCOURAGEMENT.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

TAOE

Introduction . - _ . .

Notes to Introduction - - _ . ccxvi

Divers voyages and northerne discoveries of that worthy
discoverer Henry Hudson, from Purchas' Pilgrims,
vol. iii, pp. 567-610 :

First Voyage, his discoverie towards the north pole
in 1607, written partly by John Playse, one of the
crew, and partly by Hudson himself - - 1

Second Voyage or employment of Master Henry
Hudson in 1008, written by himself - - 23

Third Voyage of Master H. Hudson in 1G09, written
by Robert J net of Limehouse - ~ - 45

Fourth Voyage in 1610. An Abstract of the Jour-
nal of Master Henry Hudson - - - 93

A larger Discourse of the same Voyage and the success

thereof, written by Abacuk Pricket - - 98

A note found in the deskc of Thomas AVydowse, student
of mathematics, one of them who was put into the
shallop - - - - - 136

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

Purchas his Pilgrimage, folio, London, 1626, p. 817.

VI. Of Hudson's discoveries and death - - 139

Hudson's first voyage (1607), from Edge's brief discoverie

of the Muscovia merchants (Purchas, v. iii, p. 464) - 145

Captain Fotherby's statement concerning Hudson's Jour-
nal of his first voyage (Purchas, v. iii, p. 730) - 146

Hudson's third voyage (1609) from Van Meteren's His-

torie der Nederlanden. Folio, Hague, 1614, fol. 629a 147

Extracts relating to Hudson's third voyage (1609), from
John de Laet's Nieuwe Werelt, fol., Amsterdam, 1625,
1630-1 (from book iii, chapter 7) - - 154

(From book iii, chapter 10) . . . 159

Extracts containing some original information about Hud-
son's third voyage, from Mr. Lambrechtsen van
Ritthem's " History of New Netherland" - - 164

Extracts concerning Hudson's third voyage (1609), from
Adrian van der Donck's " Beschryvinge van Nieuw
Nederlandt," 4to., Amsterdam, 1655, 1656 - 167

American traditions concerning the third voyage (1609) - 173

An Extract from Captain Luke Foxe's description of Hud-
son's fourth voyage (" North- West" Fox) p. 70 - 180

Hessel Gerritz's various accounts of Hudson's two last
voyages, from the Latin and Dutch edition of the
" Descriptio ct Delineatio Geographica detectionis
Freti ab H. Hudsono invcnti." Amst., 1012, 1613:

I. Hudson's fourth voyage. A summary printed
on the back of the chart. An account of the voyage

and new found strait of Mr. Hudson - - 181

II. Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the
Prolegomena to the first Latin edition - - 1'83

TABLE OF CONTKNTS.

PAiiK

III, Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the
Latin edition of 1612. An Account of the Discoveric
of the North- West Passage, which is expected to lead
to China and Japan by the north of the American con-
tinent, found by H. Hudson - - - 185

IV. Hudson's tliird and fourth voyage, from the
second Latin edition of 1613, with notes indicating the
variations of the Dutch edition. A description and
chart of the strait or passage by the north of the
American continent to China and Japan - - 189

Appendix.

Voyage of John de Verazzano along the coast of
North America from Carolina to Newfoundland (con-
taining the first discovery of Hudson's river) a. d. 1524.
Translated from the original Italian, by Joseph G.
Cogswell, Esq. Preliminary notice by the translator - 197

Voyage of Captain John de Verazzano. Letter to
His Most Serene Majesty the King of France (together
with the original Italian text) - - - 199

"Writings of William Barentz (Barentson) in Hud-
son's possession (Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. iii, pp.
518-620) - - - - - 229

A treatise of Iver Boty, a Gronlander - - 230

Van der Donck's observations about the Wampum
or bead money of the Indians, mentioned by Hudson.
(From the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Collection, New Series,
vol. i, p. 206) - - - - 235

Title and Prolegomena to the first edition of the
" Detectio Freti" - - - - 236

Title and Prolegomena to the second edition of the
" Detectio Freti" - - - - 242

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAOE

A letter from President Jeannin to Henry IV of
France, containing an account of his Negociation with
Henry Hudson, through Isaac Le Maire (with the
original text in French) _ _ - 244

Extracts concerning a shipbook found at Amster-
dam, by John Romeyn Brodhead, Esq. - - 254

Extracts from a charter granted to the Company of
the Merchants Discoverers of the North-West Pas-
sage. Apud Bledsoe, July 26th, 1612 - - 255

Two Extracts from Rafn's " Antiquitates Ameri-
canse" ...... 257

Other names of Hudson's Strait: Hudson's Bay,
Hudson's Touches, Hudson's Point, and Hudson's
River - 257

Bibliographical List, containing the books, maps,
etc., etc., mentioned in the present work - - 258

Index - - - - - 279

TABLE or CONTENTS,

PAOE

A letter from President Jeannin to Henry IV of
France, containing an account of his Negociation with
Henry Hudson, through Isaac Le Maire (with the
original text in French) _ - , 244

Extracts concerning a shipbook found at Amster-
dam, by John Romeyn Brodhead, Esq. - - 254

Extracts from a charter granted to the Company of
the Merchants Discoverers of the North-West Pas-
sage. Apud Bledsoe, July 26th, 1612 - - 255

Two Extracts from Rafn's " Antiquitates Ameri-
canse" - - - - - 257

Other names of Hudson's Strait : Hudson's Bay,
Hudson's Touches, Hudson's Point, and Hudson's
River - - - - - - 257

Bibliographical List, containing the books, maps,
etc., etc., mentioned in the present work - - 258

Index - - - - - 279

liNTRODUCTION.

Hudson's river, Hudson's strait, and Hudson's bay,
remind every educated man of the illustrious navi-
gator by whom they were explored. But though
the name of Henry Hudson possesses these preserva-
tives against oblivion, little more has been done
on its behalf, and few persons have any accurate
notion of the real extent of his merits. By con-
sidering Hudson as the discoverer of the three
mighty waters that bear his name, we indeed both
overrate and underrate his deserts. For it is certain
that these three localities had repeatedly been visited
and even drawn on maps and charts long before he
set out on his voyages. Nor did he himself claim the
discovery of the strait and bay. He was fully aware
that he was but proceeding further on a track
opened up by his predecessors. On the other hand,
we may perhaps be too ready to overlook those parts
of Hudson's achievements that have left their marks
less strikingly on the geographical delineations of our
globe. They are very important nevertheless. The
mere extent of his voyages is sufficient to place him

11 INTRODUCTION.

very high among the explorers of the north. He
surpasses in that respect all other arctic navigators,
except one or two of our own clays, who have en-
joyed immense advantages over him. Besides his
own original discoveries, he visited during the four
last years of his life very nearly all the northern
shores of Europe and Eastern America, which had
been visited by his predecessors during the previous
century, and everywhere his presence left at least
some traces.

To fill up the gap in geographical literature here
pointed out, no plan seems to be better fitted than
the one generally adopted in the publications of
the Hakluyt Society. The original records of a
navigator's or traveller's exploits, if properly eluci-
dated by notes and introductory remarks, constitute
the most authentic portraiture of him that can be
ofi'ered to the geographical reader. The example set
by Marsden's Marco Poh^ shows how very much may
be accomplished in this manner. The editor of the
present volume has tried to follow this great model ;
but, besides his too evident inferiority to the scholar,
whom he has been trying to imitate, he has had difii-
culties to encounter, almost greater than those over-
come by Mr. Marsden. The history of early northern
discovery is both intricate and obscure, and it has
not been thoroughly lighted up by anterior research.
Many new investigations have thus become necessary ;
and the editor has also to present a most complicated
subject in a clear and readable form ; and this too in
a language foreign to him. He hopes therefore not

INTRODUCTION. Ill

to be judged too severely, if he partly fail in accom-
plishing his aim.

The records of Hudson's voyages which are here
collected were originally noted down, and have been
preserved by various hands. They are not all of
equal authenticity. They even sometimes contradict
each other ; and it is in these cases not easy to
elicit the truth. We must tlierefore examine each
record with close attention to ascertain what reliance
may be placed in it. But as we purpose to render such
a review of our records perfectly clear and intelligible
to every reader, it is necessary first to give, as briefly
as possible, a summary of Hudson's career.

The whole period of his life known to us extends
over little more than four years, from April 19,
1607, to June 21, 1611. The greater part of this
time is filled up by four voyages, all of them under-
taken in search of a short northern passage to the
eastern shores of Asia. The first voyage was per-
formed in 1607, for the Moscovy Company. Its
purpose was the search of a north-eastern passage to
China. The principal explorations made in the
course of it were along the coast of Spitzbergen.

The second voyage took place in 1608, also in
search of a north-eastern passage, and likewise for the
Moscovy Company. In the course of it, part of
Nova Zembla was explored.

The third voyage was undertaken in 1609, at the
expense of the Dutch East India Company. Its
starting place was Amsterdam, its original purpose
still the search of a north-eastern route. But,

IV INTRODUCTION.

meeting, near Nova Zembla, with an unbroken
barrier of ice, Hudson went to tlie west, and
attempted the search for a north-western passage.
The principal locality explored during this voyage is
the North-American stream which we still call
Hudson's river.

In 1610, Hudson again sailed to the north-west,
in search of a passage. The expenses of the ex-
pedition were borne by three English gentlemen.
Hudson explored the strait and part of the bay
which bear his name. He passed the winter 1610-
1611 in one of the most southern harbours of the
bay. On the 21st June, 1611, a few days after he had
again left that harbour, a mutiny broke out among
the crew, and Hudson, with eight companions, was
set adrift on the waves in a small boat, and has never
since been heard of. Tlie ship and part of the
mutinous crew reached England in safety.

For the bulk of our information respecting Hud-
son's career we are indebted to Purchas. The third
volume of his Pilgrims contains accounts of all tlie
four voyages, written in part by Hudson himself,
partly by some of his companions. The authenticity
of these documents is beyond all question. Purchas
states in his Pilgrimage} that he received the ac-
counts of the three first voyages from Hakluyt, the
various papers relating to the fourth voyage from Sir
Dudley Diggs, the principal promoter of that expedi-
tion.

The account of tlie first voyage,- to Greenland and

' S(c ivjia, ])p. lo9, 110. - Pp. 1 (o 22 of the present vol.

INTRODUCTION. V

Spitzbergen is a log-book, beginning with the depar-
ture from Gravesend, May 1, 1607, and concluding
with the return to Tilbury, September 15, of the same
year. This log-book is described by Purchas as
" ivritten partly hij John Playse} one of the comj^ani/,
partly hy Hudson himself^ Such a divided authorship
seems, however, very singular ; and on closer examin-
ation we discover that it restsnipon a conjecture made
with some hesitation by Purchas. ^ He seems to have
found the name of John Playse expressly mentioned
as that of the author, on the manuscript he used. But
whilst he could thus not doubt that at least the
beginning of the log-book was due to that sailor, he
was at a loss to explain the occurrence of some pas-
sages, more numerous at the end than at the begin-
ning of the account, which no one but Hudson could
have written.^ Purchas, therefore, ascribes nearly
one half of the log-book (from the 11th of July to
the end) to Hudson. This explanation of the diffi-
culty is, however, far too bold ; and there are, besides,
some positive reasons for considering it as unsatisfac-
tory. No difference exists between the general tone
and style of the part undoubtedly written by Playse,
and that attributed, on the above grounds, to Hudson
himself. Even the occurrence of passages from Hud-
son's pen does not form so distinctive a feature as
would at first sight appear ; for in the first part some

^ The logbook itself calls him John Plcyce.
^ See his side note, p. 12.

■"* P. 12, 1. 12 to 16, 1. 29; p. 11,1. 17, 31; p. 15, 1. 24; p. 16,
1. 2, 1. 1-1; p. 19, 1. 7; p. 21, 1 2; p. 22, 1, 31.

VI INTRODUCTION.

sentences occur which decidedly owe their origin to
Hudson ;^ while there are many others, the origi-
nal cast of which must have been furnished by our
navigator, which Playse probably made his own by
merely turning an I into a we? Nor is it at all sin-
gular that a sailor, in composing for himself a log-
book of the voyage he was engaged in, should make
use of his captain's journal, which was most probably
accessible to the crew of the vessel. That he should
sometimes adopt, sometimes forget to make the
slight alteration above referred to, and that he should
in this respect be more negligent in the latter part of
his log-book, was natural enough in a sailor writing
for his own use a journal, the publication of which,
eighteen years after it was written, he could not fore-
see, and would probably not have desired.

Under these circumstances it would seem most
likely that the whole account of the voyage was
written by Playse, but owes the greater part of its
value to the notes which Playse derived from Hud-
son's journal. Any one who reads the log-book with
attention will find this conjecture far more consistent
than the one adopted by Purchas. Besides, there
exist two authentic extracts from Hudson's own
journal of the first voyage.'^ Both these very short
papers contain facts not mentioned in the log-book,
some of which at least took place after the 11th of

> P. 2, 1. 15, 1. IG.

■ For instance, nearly tlic whole of p. 4 and p. 6, besides many
other passages.

3 See pp. 145, 14G.

INTRODUCTION. VU

July, the date where Hudson's share of the log-book
is said to begin. If the log-book was, indeed, partly
his work, he must have purposely omitted some of
his most important explorations.

As to John Playse or Pleyce, the probable writer
of the whole log-book, next to nothing is known
about him. His name occurs only once, as one of the
crew of the ship in which the first voyage was per-
formed. There he ranks very low. Among Hudson's
eleven companions (one of whom was a boy), Playse's
name stands seventh. He must therefore have been
a common sailor ; and it would be impossible to attri-
bute to Jiim the observations of the needle recorded
m the first person on page 2 of his journal.^ These
observations, like all the other important parts of
Playse's account, are evidently due to Hudson him-
self.

The log-book was probably intended only for
Playse's private use, or perhaps also for some other
sailor's. It is entirely of a professional nature. It
contains, however, many passages of interest for the
general reader, and principally those which reveal
Hudson's ideas and plans. The descriptions of coasts,
capes, harbours, and seas, are without any literary
pretension. Still they are striking enough in their
simplicity. For the history of geography, the log-
book is of the very highest value, although it unfor-
tunately lacks some important information but imper-
fectly supplied by other sources.

The account of the second voyage (to Nova Zem-

1 P. 2, li. 5, 1. 16.

Vlll INTRODUCTION.

bla) is likewise a log-book.^ Henry Hudson himself
is its author. It commences with the departure from
London, April 22, 1608, and concludes with the re-
turn to Gravesend, August 26 of the same year. Its
character is, in almost every respect, like that of
Playse's journal. Some of the descriptions, however,
are more detailed, and therefore more interesting to
the general reader. This log-book also contains a
curious account of a mermaid'^ seen by two of the
sailors, which has often been quoted and reprinted.
As a geographical record, the journal of the second
voyage is of less importance than that of the first ;
it is nevertheless of great value.

Purchas says (in a footnote to p. 25) that he also
had a journal of the second voyage, written by Hud-
son's mate, Robert Juet. Of this Journal only two
very small fragments remain. The first, in one of
Purchas' side-notes to Hudson's journal of the second
voyage, on p. 30 ; the other, in the following line of
*' Hudson's Discoveries and Death" in Purchas' Pil-
grimage. " They met, as both himself and Juet have
testified, a mermaid in the sea."^

The account of the third voyage (to Hudson's river)
is a journal kept by Robert Juet,^ who had been
Hudson's mate in the second voyage, and who was
one of his companions in the third. It begins with
the departure from Amsterdam, March 25th (April
4th, new style), 1609 ; it ends with the arrival in
Dartmouth, November 7th of the same year. Juet's

' Present volume, pp. 23-14. - P. 28.

^ Sec infra, p. 139. ■* Present vol., pp. 45 to 93.

INTRODUCTION. IX

journal is the most satisfactory of all the remaining
records of Hudson's career. The indications of lati-
tudes are generally more minute than those in the
other papers, and most of them, when tested, prove
to be as correct as the state of science in those times
would allow. The descriptions are full enough to
assist materially in identifying the localities. The
style, though concise, is pleasant throughout, and the
circumstance that during this voyage alone Hudson
came frequently in contact with natives of unknown
regions, furnishes the opportunity for narrating in-
teresting incidents. The most important as well as
the most pleasing part of the journal is the descrip-
tion of the journey up and down Hudson's river.
There is, however, in Juet's paper, one less agreeable
feature, which ought not to remain unnoticed. He
speaks of the North American Indians always with
distrust and often with animosity, and looks very
complacently on the acts of injustice, nay, of bar-
barity, practised against them by some of the crew.
AVith these views Hudson's very hearty and kindly
appreciation of the qualities of the natives forms a
most happy contrast, and it is quite certain that in
this part of Juet's journal Hudson had no share.
How far the astronomical observations, and, in fact,
any other part of the journal may be attributed,
either directly or indirectly, to Hudson, we have no
means to ascertain. It is, however, probable that
Juet's journal was in most respects an independent
production. The scanty extract from a passage of
the journal kept by Juet during the preceding voy-

X INTRODUCTION.

age, which has been preserved in a side note to p. 30,
is quite sufficient to prove that he made observations
of his own, independent of those of Hudson. We
have, besides, but too abundant proofs of his conceit,
and of his independence of character. Also, when
comparing Juet's journal of the third voyage with the
scraps of information respecting the same expedition
that can be traced back to Hudson, we cannot believe,
as some authors have done, that Juet. merely acted as
Hudson's secretary. We must, on the contrary, award
to Juet himself most of the praise and all the blame
due to his journal.

The reader may perhaps be curious to know what
position Juet held on board the vessel the journal
of which he has left us ; and this question is, in fact,
of double importance, as it happens to involve that
of Juet's nationality. Juet was Hudson's mate in
the second and in the early part of the fourth voy-
age. It would therefore be natural enough to sup-
pose, as some writers have done, that he also had
the rank of mate in the third voyage, which inter-
vened between the two other ones. His own journal
furnishes no clue. It only calls him Robert Juet,
of Limehouse, without stating what office he held.
But Van Meteren, an excellent authority, informs us
that the mate on board the Half 3Ioon, the yacht
that performed the third voyage, was a Dutchman.
Thus, if Juet was that mate, he was a Dutchman.
Now, strange to say, there are arguments of about
equal strength for and against this double supposition ;
and though they cannot of course lead us to a

INTRODUCTION. XI

positive conclusion, we think it right to state them
here. And, first, as regards the question whether
Juet was the mate or no, it might seem singular that
a man should accept a lower rank, after having the
year before held the highest next to the captain.
On the other hand, it is not only probable, but
almost certain, that when the Dutch East India
Company entrusted Hudson, a foreigner, with the
command of one of their vessels, they obliged him
to employ at least some of their own Dutch sailors.
Hudson could then fill only the vacant places with
his English friends. The mate may have been among
those servants of the company, and Juet would then
have been obliged to be satisfied with an inferior
position. As to the question of nationality, Juet
says that he is of Limehouse. His journal is also
thoroughly English, without a shade of foreign idiom.
But many Dutchmen were then living in England,
and their nation possesses a wonderful facility in
acquiring foreign languages, especially English.
After carefully weighing these arguments pro and
contra^ the writer of the present observations inclines
to think that Juet was an Englishman, and that
he was not the mate on board the Half Moon, but
held some other position in that ship.

Juet's career, after the termination of the third
voyage, may be told in a few lines. He again acted
as mate in Hudson's fourth and last voyage, which
commenced April 17th, 1610. Scarcely more than
six weeks after leaving home, in the beginning of
June, he already showed a mutinous disposition, and

Xll INTRODUC'lION.

threatened to turn the shi})'s head homeward. In
tliis conduct he persisted, often " using words tend-
ing to mutiny, discouragement and slander of the
action, which easily took effect in those that were
timorous,"^ and trying to persuade some of the crew
to keep swords and loaded muskets ready in their
cabins. These facts having been reported to Hud-
son, Juet declared them to be untrue, and demanded
a trial, which took place the 10th of September,
1610. Juet was found guilty and deposed from his
ofRce. AVhen the seed of mutiny thus sown by Juet
had, nearly a year afterwards, taken effect, and Hud-
son had been set adrift on the waves by his mutinous
crew, the command of the captainless vessel was not
entrusted to Juet, but he was often consulted by his
companions. He died from sheer want, when near
the end of the dreadful return voyage, and almost in
sight of the Irish coast, early in September, 1611.^
One of his companions calls him " an ancient man."^
He must therefore have been past middle age at the
time of his death.

Purchas has preserved four documents illustrating
Hudson's last voyage (to Hudson's Strait and Hud-
son's Bay). He calls the first of them An Abstract
from Henry Hudson s Journal.^ This paper must, in-
deed, be a mere fragment of the original journal, for
it extends only over about three months and a half
from the day of departure, April 17th, 1610, to

' See Wydhouse's note, pp. 136-138.
2 P. 133 ; for the date, see p. 144.
=* P. 118. » Pp. 93 to 97.

INTRODUCTION. XUl

August 3i'd of the same year. We have no reason
to think that Hudson ever failed in his duty of keep-
ing a regular logbook as long as he was on board his
ship, that is to say, to the 21st of June, 1611. More
than ten months of his journal are therefore wanting.
The origin of the deficiency is easily explained. The
logbook undoubtedly contained many disclosures
which the mutinous crew of -the vessel had strong
motives to suppress. The paper which they brought
home and handed to their employers seems, indeed,
most fully to deserve the name of an abstract. Omis-
sions seem to have been made, not only at the end,
but also in other parts of the original. The almost
complete silence about the sojourn in Iceland, during
which Juet's evil disposition began to show itself,
looks very suspicious. Our regrets about the irre-
parable loss of the main part of Hudson's journal are,
however, in vain, and we must seek some conso-
lation in the very great value of what is left us.

The abstract reaches, as has already been observed,
down to the 3rd of August, 1610. It ends with a
short description of Cape Wolstenholme and its
neighbourhood, and embraces, therefore, the whole
voyage through Hudson's Strait to the very point
where Hudson's Bay opens. Unfortunately the whole
abstract forms less than five pages, the three last of
which contain the description of the strait. Under
these circumstances it is, perhaps, a matter rather of
congratulation than of regret that these pages offer
but little interest to the general reader, and are filled
with dry details, observations of latitudes, indications

XIV INTRODUCTION.

of the ship's course, and short descriptions. Such as
they are they furnish us, with the assistance of Hud-
son's chart, the means of tracing Hudson's voyage
through the strait almost better than any other part
of his explorations.

The second document, A Larger Discourse of the
same Voyage, hj AhacuJc Pricket} is of a very different,
and, in fact, of an almost unique nature. The author
was a servant of Sir Dudley Diggs, the principal
promoter of the expedition, and formed part of Hud-
son's crew. According to Purchas, Pricket's life was
spared by the mutineers that he might intercede for
them with his master.^ He seems to have been very
anxious to fulfil this engagement. Though the paper
he has left us is in form a narrative, the author's real
intention was much more to defend the mutineers
than to describe the voyage. As an apologetical
essay the " Larger Discourse" is extremely clever. It
manages to cast some, not too much, shadow upon
Hudson himself. The main fault of the mutiny is
thrown upon some men who had ceased to live when
the ship reached home. Those who were then still
alive are presented as guiltless, some as highly de-
serving men.

Pricket's account of the mutiny and of its cause
has often been suspected. Even Purchas himself^ and
Fox speak of it with distrust. But Pricket is
the only eye-witness that has left us an account
of these events, and we can therefore not correct
his statements, whether they be true or false. Be-

' Pp. 'JS to l;35. - See p. lo8. '' W 135.

INTRODUCTION. XV

sides being an apology for the mutineers, the " Larger
Discourse" is not without value as a narrative. It was
evidently written quietly at home ; not during the
turmoil of a voyage. The author's special purpose
induces him to dwell at great length on some scenes
of real life that passed on and near the ship. By far
the greater part of his discourse is devoted to these
scenes, which have always been, and will always be,
perused with interest.

As a geographical record the " Larger Discourse"
is most unsatisfactory. Its statements, which must
in greater part have been put down from recollection
only, without any reference to notes made during the
voyage, are mostly vague in the extreme. Here and
there, however, some more precise statement adds
something to the store of reliable information sup-
plied by Hudson's journal and chart. For the voy-
age and wintering in the bay, and for the voyage
home, the Discourse is, unfortunately, the only docu-
ment of any value that is left us.

The two remaining documents are of but minor
importance. The first is a letter from Iceland, re-
printed by Purchas without the author's name •} but
apparently written by Hudson himself. This letter,
dated May 30, 1610, speaks of the sojourn in Iceland
and of the good shooting they got there. It men-
tions incidentally the number of Hudson's crew, but
contains no other valuable information.

' Purchas speaks of the authorship, on p. 135, in so confused a
manner, that it is impossible to see whether he attributed it to
Hudson, to Juet, or to Wydhouse.

XVI INTRODUCTION.

The last of the documents pubhshcd in the Pil-
grhns, is a note found in the desk of Thomas Wyd-
house,^ a mathematical student. The note records
the trial of Juet, to which we have already alluded,
and the changes among the officers of the ship which
Hudson made in consequence of it. Wydhouse's
name is also spelled Woodliouse, Wydowse, and
Widowes. Of his personal history nothing is known,
beyond the fact that he was one of the unfortunate
men who were set adrift with Hudson.

Purchas, in publishing the above documents in his
Pilgrims, adds to them some side notes, foot notes,
headings, and observations, the responsibility of which
belongs to him alone.

Two of the headings^ and the only important foot
note^ have already been discussed ; tlie others may
safely be taken on trust as correct. As to the side
notes, by far the greater part of them form merely
a running index to the contents of the text, accord-
ing to a custom usual in those times, and which some
writers of our days have very properly revived. Of
the remaining side notes, some are references to
other sources of geographical information, some are
explanations of nautical terms used in the text, whilst
two are moral reflections on the events narrated by
Pricket. Only two of the side notes deserve a more
particular mention. They occur on pp. 13 and 40,
and both express in strong terms Purchas's opinion
respecting the discovery of Spitzbergcn and Nova

' Pp. I0G-I08. ^ Play.sc's Journal — IIiulsou's Abstract.

•' Tlie note to p. 23.

INTRODUCTION. XVII

Zembla. This opinion is so very far from correct, that
we almost wonder how it could have arisen. Some
explanations of its origin will be offered in another part
of these paaes. We may, however, here observe, that
Purchas soon became conscious of having been some-
what severe towards the Dutch, the real discoverers
of Spitzbergen, whom his notes represent as inter-
lopers. He says, in the introduction to the third
volume of the Pilgrhns, that his judgment was biassed
by the influence of Englishmen, who took an inter-
ested view of the question at issue ; that is to say,
by the Company of Merchant Adventurers. Con-
sidering the great number of important documents
furnished to Purchas by this society, we can hardly
blame him for listening for a moment to their insinu-
ations, and it is highly creditable that he acknow-
ledges his error.

A short postscript^ is added by Purchas to Pricket's
discourse. Purchas there expresses his distrust in
the narrator's faithfulness, and says that for this
reason he reprints the letter from Iceland and Wyd-
house's statement, by which Pricket's account may
in some degree be tested.

Another short notice is appended to Wydhouse's
paper.2 This notice contains some additional facts
concerning the fourth voyage, obtained from a source
which Purchas considers as authentic. They are,
however, not very reliable, and part of them seem
to be derived from Hessel Gerritz's book, of which
we shall have ample occasion to speak.

' P. 135. 2 P. 138.

XVlll INTRODUCTION.

Purchas' Pilgrimage, a work which is often con-
sidered as the fifth volume of the Pilgrims, contains
a remarkable chapter entitled, Of Hudson s Discoveries
and Death. This chapter is reprinted in the present
collection.^ It is mainly a summary of the materials
published in the Pilgrims, and as such it is not even
very complete. Its real importance consists in the
additional information it furnishes. It names the
source from which the documents printed in the
Pilgrims were obtained, it gives a very small frag-
ment of Juet's lost journal, it mentions the names of
the gentlemen at whose expense the last expedition
was undertaken, and it tells us on what day the mutin-
ous crew of the vessel reached the Irish shore on their
home voyage. It also clears up some questions of
minor importance.

Purchas has again added some side notes to this
chapter. Only two of them are remarkable. They
show how earnestly he persisted in the belief that
Hudson had discovered a passage to the South Sea.

After having examined the chapters in Purchas'
Pilgrims and Pilgrimage which are devoted to Hud-
son's life, we must now review a certain amount
of fragmentary intelligence collected from various
Bources. These fragments enable the student to fill
up many gaps left by the more detailed records ; they
also, in more than one instance, throw a new light on
some of the most important events of Hudson's
voyages.

The two first fragments are again due to Purchas.
1 Tp. i;?'.)-H 1.

INTRODUCTION. XIX

They do not, however, form part of those pages of his
work where he treats specially of our navigator, but
occur accidentally in two papers not directly bearing
upon Hudson's career. Two captains in the service
of the Muscovy Company, Edge and Fotherby, have
left short accounts of their own and of some other
voyages to Spitzbergen. Both made use of the manu-
scripts deposited in the archivjes of their employers,
and among them of the Journal kept by Hudson
during his First Voyage. Each of them gives a short
extract from this document, of which all other traces
are lost. These extracts, of a few lines each, are
reprinted in our collection.^ They are fortunately of
very great importance, in spite of their brevity, espe-
cially the one due to Edge. The naming of Whale
Bay and of Hakluyt's Headland, on the north coast
of Spitzbergen, as well as the discovery of Jan Mayen
Island (Hudson's Tutches), are here, and only here,
recorded. Fotherby's extract throws some light on
Hudson's explorations along the shore of Greenland.

The authenticity of the two extracts is unques-
tionable. Edge and Fotherby were in the service of
the company for whom the first voyage was per-
formed, and which was, as a matter of course, in pos-
session of Hudson's logbook. Both captains wrote
a few years after Hudson's first voyage ; and Pur-
chas, who printed their accounts, was in the habit of
receiving documents from the Muscovy Company.

The remaining fragments are, with only one excep-
tion, of Dutch origin, as are also the two maps in

^ Pp. 145, 146.

XX INTRODUCTION.

our collection. To make the nature of these papers
understood we shall have briefly to relate some events
of Dutch history that are but little noticed, even in
the Netherlands, and with which we can therefore
not expect all our readers to be fully acquainted.
These events had, besides, a direct and strong influ-
ence on Hudson's connexion with the Dutch East
India Company, and serve to explain some of the
consequences of his third voyage. We believe
therefore that we are justified in adverting to them
here.

The Netherlands, and more especially the southern
provinces, were, during the latter part of the middle
ages, the centre of European commerce. In their
ports the ships of the north and the caravels of the
south met to exchange their cargoes. The trans-
atlantic discoveries which mark the beginning of the
modern era, and which produced such important
changes in the roads of trade, did not afi'ect the
central position of the Netherlands. As the streams
of wealth had long poured into Ghent and Bruges,
so they now began to pour into Antwerp ; and this
town was, in the middle of the sixteenth century, by
far the most important emporium in Europe. The
whole country shared these advantages, as is always
the case under such circumstances ; and learning,
art, literature, but before all industry, flourished on
the favoured spot.

The writings of many eminent historians have
rendered all of us familiar with tlie terrible events
which put an end to this prosperity, ^^^e all know

INTRODUCTION. XXI

liow the Spanish veterans, the German mercenaries,
the French sokliery, pillaged the towns, burnt the
villages, devastated the open country ; and how thou-
sands suffered martyrdom by Alba's hand. To escape
this persecution nearly three hundred thousand fami-
lies left their homes, an almost incredible efflux from
so small a country.

It is surprising that so few writers have asked
themselves the q.uestion, " What became of all this
multitude V This question is, indeed, not readily
answered. We can, however, trace the steps of some
of the emigrants to England, of some to Sweden,
of some to Russia, and of one even so far as the
Azores. They went to every part of the world. The
immense majority seem to have escaped for a while
to the neighbouring parts of Germany, and then to
have streamed into the seven northern provinces of
the Netherlands, as these were gradually being freed
from the Spanish yoke.

Most of the riches, the energy, the enlightenment
of the Netherlands thus became concentrated in the
northern provinces, more especially in Holland and
Zealand. Amsterdam became the heir of Antwerp,
and the new-born republic of the seven provinces,
with its few square miles of land and its few millions
of inhabitants, soon took its place among the leading
European powers.

It has never been well ascertained how much the
emigrants contributed to this sudden growth of Hol-
land and Zealand ; nor is there much hope that the
question will ever be ansv/ered. Besides the great

XXU INTRODUCTION.

difficulties of the inquiry, there is no one to whom it
properly belongs. We cannot expect the Dutch to
invite jealous rivals to a share in their glory, and the
Belgians of the present day seem hardly to remem-
ber that the illustrious Protestant emigrants of the
sixteenth century were their compatriots. The fol-
lowing stray facts, though bearing on this great ques-
tion, are not intended as an answer to it. Their
purpose merely is to throw light on our own subject.
Among the emigrants who settled in the northern
provinces there were many merchants, especially from
Antwerp, who had brought with them part of their
riches, all their knowledge and experience, and even
more than their usual energy. They gave an im-
mense impulse to Dutch trade. The names of many
of them are necessarily forgotten, and even of those
which are remembered a few only can be mentioned
here. The most illustrious of them is Balthasar de
Moucheron. He may almost be called the father of
Dutch commerce. Before any other Dutch vessels
ventured out of the well-known waters, we find his
ships showing the way to Russia and to the xlrctic
Ocean. He was also the principal originator of the
three expeditions to the north, which made the name
of the Dutch celebrated all over Europe.^ He, before
all others, sent, on private account, ships to the East
Indies. The great name which we have tried to ren-
der familiar to our readers will meet them again in

^ The expeditions described by De Veer, of which an excellent
edition by Dr. Bckc forms part of the collections of the Hakluyt
Society. See the Introduction to that work, p. Iv.

INTRODUCTION. XXlll

these pages. It also occurs in Lambrechtsen's ac-
count of Hudson's life, printed among the papers of
our collection.^

It would lead us too far were we to dwell on the
merits of some other emigrants who rendered distin-
guished service to the advancement of trade in the
Netherlands, but whose career is not directly con-
nected with our subject ; such as Isaac and Jacob
Le Maire, Jacques Mahu, Pieter des Marees, Samuel
Godyn, Jacques I'Heremite, and many others. We
must, however, introduce to our readers' notice one
more great man, whose name has hardly yet been
heard in England.

William Usselincx, like Le Maire and Moucheron,
an Antwerp merchant who settled in Zealand, was
the founder of the Dutch West India Company.
This company, though mighty enough in its day, is
now very nearly forgotten. It was established in
1621, and obtained the privilege of trade to America.
It thus inherited the discovery of Hudson's river,
and peopled its banks with industrious colonists.
Usselincx himself was a man of extraordinary genius.
As early as 1591, at a time when the power of Spain
overshadowed the world, he alone among millions
saw the real weakness of the seeming giant. He
proposed to the Dutch to attack Spain in her colo-
nies, especially in America, and thus to undermine
her power. His keen eye perceived that the Dutch
could successfully undertake this task, but they would
not believe him. He had to struggle thirty years

^ See infra, p. 164.

XXIV INTRODUCTION.

before his great idea was partly realized, before the
West India Company was established. The fate of
the banks of the Hudson depended upon the issue
of these struggles, and we might therefore, perhaps,
be allowed to devote a few more lines to them. But
we are afraid of losing sight of our main object, the
review of our records, and we must therefore leave
Usselincx for the present.

The first of the Dutch fragments which we "were
going to review, is an extract from Emanuel van Mete-
ren's chronicle of the great war between Spain and the
Netherlands.^ Van Meteren was, like most of the
men we have just spoken of, an Antwerp merchant.
Like them he left his country for the sake of his
religion. But he did not settle down in Holland or
Zealand. He went to London, and tried there to
serve the cause of his country. He was a man of
unflinching energy and of great mental powers ; he
seems also to have possessed considerable means.
The young republic of the Netherlands made there-
fore an excellent choice when it appointed him its
consul for England. This official position, as well as
his extensive business transactions, brought him into
contact with many eminent personages. He was
thus enabled to collect by various means an astound-
ing amount of information on contemporary events.
He seems to have at first accumulated his notes with-
out any settled purpose : this at least is his own
statement. He adds that his cousin, the celebrated
Abraham Ortelius, suggested to him the idea of pub-

' Pp. 145 to 153.

INTRODUCTION. XXV

lisliing these memoirs. Howsoever this may be, the
work itself does not bear the stamp of an assemblage
of loose papers. It is written with great care, is better
connected than any one of the numerous contempo-
rary chronicles, and is teeming with life. It has de-
servedly obtained a place among the historical master-
pieces of all ages. Not that the book is well known
to the public. But whoever reads it for the first time,
is surprised to find how familiar every page is to him.
The admirable portraiture of the principal characters
in the great drama, the wonderful descriptions of
preachings, pillages, sieges, and battles have been bor-
rowed by the most eminent writers, and the statements
of facts have passed into the current history of the
sixteenth century. They are contained in all our
handbooks. It is perhaps not too much to say, that
the great favour which the events in the Netherlands
during Philip II's reign have found in the eyes of
historians, poets, and artists, may be mainly ascribed
to the ease with which materials can be borrowed
from Van Meteren's inexhaustible store. The nu-
merous modern researches which form a brilliant
superstructure on this solid foundation, prove that
the general confidence in Van Meteren's accuracy is
very deservedly bestowed.

Van Meteren's history, such as we now have it,
consists of two very unequal parts. The first, the
main work, embraces the whole of Philip II's reign,
ending with the year 1598. It was written when the
author was yet in full possession of his great powers,
and it was published under his care. The second part,

XXVI INTRODUCTION.

a supplement, brings the chronicle down to the year
1611. It bears the most evident marks of the old
man. The author, then seventy-six years of age,
hurried to finish it, feeling, as he himself says, the
call to another world pressing upon him. He was
not even to see it in print. He died in 1612. The
supplement was published for the first time in 1614.
The great beauties to which we have alluded are to
be found only in the main work ; but conscientious-
ness and accuracy belong to both parts alike. The
supplement has a character of its own, which makes
the description of Hudson's voyage contained in it
all the more valuable as an historical source. The
latter part of Van Meteren's history is more like a
collection of documents and notices chronologically
arranged, and very slightly connected among them-
selves, than like a regular narrative. Most of
the pieces are evidently in the original state in
which they were first inserted among the author's
notes.

This is more especially the case with regard to the
account of Hudson's voyage. The account bears the
stamp of having been rather hastily translated from a
verbal or written communication. Its real author is
most probably Hudson himself. This supposition is
borne out by the circumstances in which Van Mete-
ren and Hudson were placed, and by some curious
internal evidence. Van Meteren, when speaking of
Hudson and of his companions, very naturally uses
the words " theij left," '■Hliey feared," etc. But all on a
sudden we meet with the following passage: "Thence

INTRODUCTION. XXVU

they sailed along the shore until we reached 40° 45'."^
Can there be any more natural supposition than that
the old man here committed an oversight similar to
those pointed out by us in Playse's logbook ^ He
probably had an account of the voyage written
by Hudson, and in translating it he once forgot to
turn ive into iliejj. All attentive readers of early
voyages will remember that this is a very common
oversight. The old merchant was, besides, in Lon-
don at the time of Hudson's return from his voyage.
We learn from him that our navigator was pre-
vented, by the commands of the English govern-
ment, from going to Holland and laying his reports
before his employers. It is but natural that Hudson
should in this difficulty have applied to the Dutch
consul, and it is probable that the correspondence
between Hudson and the East India Company, which
is mentioned by Van Meteren, passed through Van
Meteren's own hands.

But even if we hesitate to ascribe this origin to
Van Meteren's account of the third voyage, it still
remains a document of great importance. It cannot
have been written down much more than a year after
Hudson's return. The excellent opportunities which
the author enjoyed, and his justly celebrated con-
scientiousness, are a sufficient guarantee for the accu-
racy of the facts related by him.

The contents of the account coincide in many
points with the statements made by Juet, and serve so
far to confirm them. Van Meteren is the only source

> P. 150.

XXVlll INTRODUCTION.

that throws light on the events which happened be-
tween the 5th and the 19th of May, 1609, on Hud-
son's voyage from the North Cape to the neighbour-
hood of Nova Zembia, the mutiny of the crew, Hud-
son's propositions made to them, and the final deter-
mination to sail to the west instead of the east. Juet
preserves a suspicious silence on all these matters.
His journal contains no entry, from the first arrival
of the vessel at the North Cape until its return to the
same point. Van Meteren further informs us that
Hudson was a friend of Captain Smith, the cele-
brated explorer of Virginia, and that the idea of
searching for a passage under 40°, was in a great
measure due to the advice of this illustrious man.
We could hardly venture to enumerate here all the
other important facts which can be gathered from
this account of the third voyage. We must in this
respect refer the reader to the observations on the
voyage itself, which we shall offer in anotiier part of
the present introduction.

Two more remarks have, however, yet to be made.
Van Meteren's account opens with a reference to the
preceding (the 30th) book of his chronicle. The
notice to which he alludes must have dropped out of
his papers before the work was sent to the press. It
is not to be found in any of the printed editions.
The second remark is, that the whole account, from
the words, " this Henry Hudson" [Desen Ilerrij Ilidson)
down to the end, has been reprinted, but without the
author's name, by Commelijn, in his celebrated work
Begin en Voorigang van de Ncderlandsche Oost ludische

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

Compagnie^ and has thence passed into Constantin de
Reneville's still more celebrated Voyages enirepris
pour la Compagnie des Indes, etc. The latter work is
therefore often, but quite erroneously, quoted as an
original source for the biography of Henry Hudson.^

The next fragments that come under our con-
sideration,- are taken from De Laet's description of
America. Before speaking. of them more especially,
we have to make some general observations bearing
as well on this as on other parts of our subject.

John De Laet was one of the Directors of the
Dutch West India Company. He was of Belgian
origin, like Willem Usselincx, the founder of the
association, and like most of the men who took a
leading part in it. The Company itself may, in fact,
be considered as having emanated from the Belgian
emigrants settled in the northern provinces, and as
the principal representative of their aims and views.
By the war between Spain and the Netherlands the
trade of central Europe was forced out of its wonted
channels. The Belgian towns, the theatre of so much
A'iolence, became unsafe depositories for the riches of
all nations, many of the most industrious merchants
fled, the harbour of Antwerp was almost deserted,
and the mouth of the Scheldt was made inaccessible

^ The editor of the present booh has refrained from introducing
long titles into his text. But knowing the great imjiortance of
exact bibliographical descriptions, he is going to append, at the
end of the volume, a list of all the works mentioned in it, with the
necessary bibliographical details.

- Pp. 154-166.

XXX INTRODUCTION.

by vigilant cruisers, long before it was entirely closed
by international treaties. By far the greater part of
the commerce thus lost to Belgium found its way
to Holland and Zealand. The Belgian emigrants,
whose activity greatly contributed to this change,
saw it, however, with the utmost regret. They had
never fairly adopted Holland, Zealand, and the other
northern provinces as their permanent abode, but
continued to look to the south as to their own dear
home. They even shrank from matrimonial alliances
with the original inhabitants of the north, and formed
in every respect a separate body, closely knit toge-
ther by common interests and common longings.
They felt the yoke which was pressing on the Bel-
gians almost as heavily as if they had themselves still
been groaning under it, and they longed with all
their hearts to drive the Spaniards from their ancient
homesteads, to return in triumph, and to introduce
the Protestant religion into their native country.
The plan by which they intended to effect this noble
purpose is so grand that it hardly deserves the obli-
vion with which history has punished its failure.
They proposed to attack the Spaniards in all their
colonies, to destroy their resources, and thus to dis-
able them from holding Belgium any longer. The
events of after times have clearly proved that this
might have been done, had the Hollanders and Zea-
landers not been prevented by opposite interests
from joining heartily in these generous efforts.

Among the means which the emigrants devised for
the realization of their scheme, there is one which de-

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

serves in the highest degree the attention of the geogra-
phical student. It was evident that a body of men who
proposed to themselves an object like the one they
had in view, must needs first possess a thorough
knowledge of the configuration of the earth, so as to
direct tlieir steps safely to any point on its surface.
The emigrants counted in their ranks a number of
men of high scientific acquirements, and among these
the idea sprang up, more distinctly in some, less dis-
tinctly in others, to assist by scientific research and
geographical labours in the deliverance of their
country. The names of these men are familiar to the
geographical student. Mercator, the De Brys,Hulsius,
Bertius, De Laet, Cluverius, Peter Plancius, Jodo-
cus, and Henry Hondius, are known to us all as
being among the fathers of modern geography ; but
it seems to be forgotten that a nobler aim than mere
scientific research animated their efibrts.

The Dutch West India Company was, first as a
scheme, afterwards as a reality, the centre point of
all these endeavours. They disdained the peaceful
arts by which other privileged associations of the
same class have grown mighty and rich. Their aim
was to attack the Spaniard in his transatlantic
strongholds ; to sink or take the ships in which he
transported his silver and gold ; to cut him ofi", if
possible, from all connections with the New World.
All the other aff'airs, which the nature of their posi-
tion and the extent of their privileges forced upon
them, were treated as minor matters, hardly worthy
of their attention. But their main object was pur-

XXXU INTRODUCTION.

sued with an energy beyond all belief. In spite of
all the difficulties they had to contend with, they
long maintained a war fleet of more than seventy
sail, and almost succeeded in driving the Spaniards
from the American seas.

John de Laet was one of the earliest and most
eminent directors of the "West India Company. His
description of America, the work from which our
extracts are taken, is marked by the same features
which distinguish the company itself and the body
of men from which that association sprang. As a
geographical compilation it is one of the finest even
among those produced by the Belgian emigrants, and
for systematic treatment, precision, and general accu-
racy, it may perhaps claim the very first rank among
the manuals of the time. Its main portion, the de-
scription of the coasts and islands under Spanish
sway, is the work of a man whose eye is greedily-
fixed upon those lands, and who is mentally grasping
them. But that part does not regard us. Our ex-
tracts are derived from a chapter (the third) w'hich
is principally devoted to an account of New Nether-
land, the large territory in North America claimed
by the West India Company on the ground of Hud-
son's discoveries, and at that time in small part occu-
pied by their agents. This part of the work bears,
like the rest, the stamp of the interests which the
author pursued. To establish the company's title
to New Netherland, and to substantiate it by all
possible details, this seems to be its special purpose.
Unfortunately tlie task is an ungrateful one. The

INTRODUCTION. XXXlll

claim of the company to New Netherland was based
upon specious pretences, which do not stand the test
of close inspection. We shall have again to insist
upon this fact, because it is far from being generally
admitted ; and because it explains some curious
features in De Laet's and Van dcr Donck's accounts
of Hudson's third voyage. The flaw in the Dutch
title has besides given origin to an idle and entirely
unwarranted story, which has found its way into
more than one biography of Henry Hudson. We
shall resume these matters when speaking of Van
der Donck. For the present we have only to call
the reader's attention to the artful manner in which
De Laet tries to connect the voyage of Henry Hud-
son with the company's claim. He endeavours to
establish a chain of events and arguments between
the two points ; and, we are sorry to state it, he does
not scruple to forge an extra link which he believes
to be necessary. lie maJces Hudson return to Amster-
dam to give an account of his voyage. AYe know, on
unquestionable authority, that this statement of De
Laet is false ; and he was far too accurate to make
such a blunder through negligence. His special pur-
pose becomes therefore the more evident. Under these
circumstances we must be extremely cautious in
using any such statements of his as would tend to
strengthen the Dutch title to New Netherland. This
caution will be necessary in more instances than one.
The above remarks refer only to one or two pas-
sages. The rest of De Laet's description of Hudson's
third voyage must be reckoned among our most reliable

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.

documents. The description of the voyage occurs
incidentally in two different chapters, the seventh and
tenth, of the third book of De Laet's Nieuive Werelt.
The second of these passages consists almost entirely
of two fragments, the only remaining ones, of Hud-
son's report to the Directors of the Dutch East India
Company. The short summary of the whole voyage
contained in the first passage, seems for the most
part to be derived from the same source. No one
will read these fragments of Hudson's journal with-
out regretting the loss of the paper from which
they are taken. Short as they are, they form the
most graphic picture of the life, manners, and aspect
of the North American Indians, left by any one of
the early navigators. It may, perhaps, not be super-
fluous to observe that we do not even possess the
original cast of Hudson's words. As De Laet
gives them, they are merely a translation. Hudson
himself, though for a short time in the service of the
Dutch, could not easily understand, and therefore
certainly not write their language. He required the
services of a friend to translate for him some Dutch
papers, which he desired to make use of during this
same voyage.

A few years ago, when the writer of the present
pages was staying in Holland, a rumour had got
abroad, that a part of De Laet's manuscript materials
had turned up. The rumour was entirely unfounded ;
and for the present there appears to be no chance that
the original of Hudson's report should come to light.
Much may however be hoped for from future re-

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

searches. Little is lost in so eminently conservative
a country as Holland ; and attention has lately been
much directed to these matters. Search has also been
made in the Archives of the East India Company, for
any materials relating to Hudson. The scraps of in-
formation gathered from these archives will be given
elsewhere in these pages. Hudson's report has not as
yet been discovered. It is very possible that it was,
in De Laet's time, given up to the West India
Company or lent, and thought of too little importance
to be asked back. There is also some chance left of
its still being found among the papers of the East
India Company. This immense store of documents
was till quite lately without calendars, or indices of
any kind. It has, since, been entrusted to able hands ;
and many important discoveries will undoubtedly be
made among its dusty piles.

De Laet's Nieuwe Werelt, appeared first in 1625 ;
then for a second time in 1630. Copies of the earlier
edition are rare; and none was to be found in this coun-
try. Our reprints are therefore taken from the 1630
edition. A gentleman in Holland, however, to whose
unostentatious labours historical research is greatly
indebted, has been so kind as to compare for us the
text of the two editions, and has found them to agree
in every word ; as far at least as our extracts are
concerned. A reprint both of the seventh and tenth
chapter of the third book, is to be found in a very
rare tract, Beschryvinge van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt,
etc. 4to., Amsterdam, 1651, pp. 14, 15 ; and 20 to
22.

XXXVl INTRODUCTION.

The next two extracts in our collection^ are taken
from the account of Hudson's voyage, which forms
part of Lambrechtsen's history of New Netheiiand.
Some of the statements in that account cannot
be traced back to printed sources, and there is every
reason to believe that they were borrowed from
early documents, then existing at Middelburg. The
facts in question all relate to Hudson's intercourse
with the Dutch East India Company. At the time
when Lambrechtsen wrote, a remarkable collection of
documents belonging to that Company was preserved
at Middelburg : and Lambrechtsen, as might be ex-
pected from his high standing, had access to them. He
quotes repeatedly in his history from the "• Notulcn van
de xvii"; that is to say, the minutes of the proceed-
ings of the seventeen East India directors. It can-
not, however, be positively asserted, that the state-
ments which we are discussing were taken from this
important source. Nothing certain can be said on
this point, as long as the above mentioned collection
of documents remains inaccessible. It was for a long
time in private hands at Middelburg, was then, about
eight or nine years ago, surrendered to the East
India Company in Amsterdam ; and, has still more
recently been transferred to the royal archives at the
Hague. But as there has never been a calendar, or
any other kind of list made, there is but too good
reason to fear that some of the papers may have been
lost on the way. Some inquiries made by the writer
of the present pages, both by correspondence and

' Pp. 10 1 to IGG.

INTRODUCTION. XXXVU

verbally, during a short sojourn on the spot, have led
to no results. We are thus, for the present, obliged
to take Lambrechtsen's assertions on trust.

We have already alluded to the extracts from Van
dcr Donck's description of New Netherland ; which
follow next in the order of our documents.^ Van der
Donck speaks, in several passages of his work, of
Hudson's third voyage, and he makes several state-
ments respecting it, which disagree more or less with
the earlier and better sources. These statements miixht
seem to deserve implicit credit, on account of the
opportunities for obtaining information which the
author possessed ; and some conscientious writers
have indeed fully trusted them. We consider all
these statements as spurious, not only because they
are not borne out by contemporary evidence, but more
especially because they all tend to strengthen the
Dutch title to New Netherland, which Van der
Donck had a strong interest to defend.

The following was Van der Donck's position with
regard to this title. The title itself was little better
than a shadow. It was entirely founded on the
boldest, the most obstinate, and most extensive
act of squatting^ recorded in colonial history. The
territory called New Netherland, which the West
India Company claimed on account of Hudson's
discovery, belonged by the best possible right to
England. It formed part of a vast tract of country,
the coasts of which liad been first discovered by
English ships, on which settlements had been founded
^ Pp. 1G7 to 172.

XXXVlll INTRODUCTION.

by English colonists, and which had been publicly
claimed by England, and granted to an English
Company, before Hudson ever set foot on American
ground. But the wilds and wastes of primeval forests,
were thought of so little value, that the Dutch were
for many years allowed to encroach upon English
rights, without much more than passing remonstran-
ces of the British government.

Some Dutch adventurers, induced by the favour-
able accounts of Henry Hudson, and of some Dutch
mariners who followed in his track, first founded a
factory and built a fort on an island in the mouth of
Hudson's river — the beginning of New York. The
adventurers afterwards obtained, as a protection
against the commercial opposition of their own coun-
trymen, the exclusive privilege of trading to those
parts. Both the privilege and the settlement passed
into the hands of the Dutch West India Company,
who enlarged the fort till it gradually became a town,
made vast grants of land, sent out colonists, and
commissioned some of their servants to rule over the
colony. This rule of the West India Company lasted
for more than forty years. But it is a remarkable
fact, that during nearly all that time the Dutch
government could not be induced to acknowledge
New Netherland openly and distinctly as a Dutch
dependency. This singular state of affairs led, as may
easily be imagined, to ardent contentions between
the English and Dutch colonists in New England and
New Netherland, neither of which sets of men was
naturally disposed to yield. Of these contentions Van

INTUODUCTION. XXXIX

der Doiick. He resided in New Netherland from
164:1 to 164:9, first as a law officer (schout fiscael)
in the colony of Rensselaerswyck ; afterwards as a
settler near New York. He quarrelled with the
somewhat despotic governor of the country, and
headed a faction opposed to the colonial government.
He, at last, returned to Holland, as the leader of a
deputation of influential settler's, who were to expose
at home all the wrongs hy which they believed the
colony and themselves to be oppressed. Van der
Donck wrote two books in support of the cause
which he represented, both of which contain short
descriptions of Hudson's voyage. The first of them,
called Vertoogh van Niemo Nederland^ and published
in 1650, is mainly an account of the misrule of the
colony, with a short description of the country, and
other similar matters. It contains the germs of the
ingenious inventions concerning Hudson's voyage,
which are further developed in the second work,
BesclirijvingJie van Niemo Nederland., from which our
extracts are taken. Van der Donck's reason for
making these inventions is obvious enough. He
wished to induce the Dutch government to take
strong measures against the New Englanders in de-
fence of the pretended right of the Dutch settlers.
His reason for being more explicit in the second
work than in the first is also very obvious. The war
between England and Holland (1552 to 1554) in-
tervened between the two publications. After its
termination several delegates were sent out from
Holland to England, to arrange the numerous dif-

xl INTRODUCTION.

ferenccs which existed between the two countries.
These delegates were urged by the West India Com-
pany to bring the North American disputes to a
peaceable arrangement. But they failed, and wrote
to Holland, that they themselves did not consider the
claim of the Company as substantiated by the evidence
adduced ; and that^ unless better evidence was brought
fonvard^ they could not possibly press the claim on the
English government. This correspondence was going
on at the very time when Van der Donck was en-
gaged upon the compilation of his work.

The fictions in which Van der Donck has indulged,
are of so serious a character, that we have been
obliged to make this digression to put them in their
true light. He represents Hudson as having taken
possession for the Dutch, of a tract of country, which
belonged to England. Nothing however could be fur-
ther from Hudson's intention, and even from that of his
employers, the Dutch East India Company, who looked
with anything but favour on the endeavours to esta-
blish the rule of the Netherlands in the New World.

Hudson's long stay in Holland, for which Van der
Donck is the only authority, seems likewise to be
an invention, made to render the taking possession of
New Netherland for the Dutch a less unlikely act.
This residence in Holland is not an absolute im-
possibility. It may, however, be observed, that Hud-
son was in 1607 and 1608 in English service ; and that
he was not sufficiently acquainted with the Dutch
language to understand, without an English transla-
tion, some papers of Barents, which had been lent to

INTRODUCTION. xU

him. It was, on the other hand, not an uncommon
practice among English captains, to enter the Dutch
service, as is shown by the examples of Davis, Adams,
and Hudson himself. We are on the whole inclined
to think, that Van der Donck possessed no informa-
tion concerning our navigator, which is not existing
at the present day ; and that the startling new facts
which he adds, had their origin in his fertile imagina-
tion. The sources which he made use of were De
Laet and Van Meteren, and in copying the latter
author, he has made a most ludicrous mistake, which
must at once deprive his assertions of all credit.^

Van der Donck,- and, a century and a half after,
Dr.Heckewelder^ and Dr. Barton,^ noted down on the
spot, a sort of legend of Hudson's arrival in America,
handed down by the American Indians. There is a
considerable discrepancy between the earlier and the
later accounts. A scene of drunkenness, which really
happened, is dwelt on at great length in the more
modern story, without being even mentioned in the
old one. We are not inclined to attribute much
weight to this tradition, either in its simple or its
adorned state. A tale of this kind is very likely to
be elicited from the imaginative aborigines, by the
eager questioning of the white man. The tale, whe-
ther true or false, has the merit of being well told.
The etymological argument by which Dr. Ilecke-
welder attempts to support it, ought rather to de-
tract from, than to increase its credit. The name of

' See infra, pp. 152, note 1 ; 167, note 1.
2 Pp. 169-170. ^ Pp. 173-179. >* P. 179.

Xlii INTRODUCTION.

the island Manhattans is not, as he asserts, derived
from a scene of drunkenness. It is taken from a
tribe of Indians, and is ah'eady mentioned by Hudson
himself.

Another American tradition, concerning Hudson's
first landing place, does not seem entitled to much more
credit. The early settlers in those regions had other
cares than these historical recollections to attend to.
We possess several remarkable books written by some
of them, and it does not seem that they paid much
attention to subjects of the kind. The tradition is
probably of a comparatively modern origin, having
its source in a guess. The locality mentioned is not
by any means the most likely one for Hudson's first
landing.

Our next fragment^ is taken from Luke Foxe's
North West Fox. The book which bears this singular
title is the description of Captain Foxe's voyage in
search of a north-west passage, performed in the
year 1631. Foxe has therein set an example, w^liich
has been very generally followed in later accounts of
north-western expeditions. Before describing his
own voyage he gives a summary of the exploits of
his predecessors. Most of the statements contained
in that part of his book are, however, of little im-
portance, being merely extracts from sources which
we still possess. Such is also his account of liudson's
voyage. The only notice in it that is really original,
is the one reprinted among our fragments. It is not
of a pleasing nature, throwing, as it does, a most
1 r. 173. - r. ISO.

INTRODUCTION. xliu

unfavourable light on Hudson's character. A certain
master Colburne (or Colbert, or Coolbrand) was sent
out with Hudson on his fourth voyage. Colburne
seems to have been attached to the vessel as a kind
of official adviser, without any special functions.
Hudson soon got tired of this control, and sent Col-
burne home asfain. So far the facts are authentic.
But Foxe adds that Colburne was a better man than
Hudson, and insinuates that it is to the former, not
to the latter, that the plan of searching for a passage
in latitude 61° was due. This malicious insinuation
is devoid of all truth. Abundant proof is still extant
that Hudson had, years before, matured the idea
here ascribed to Colburne. The name of this sailor
is also not otherwise mentioned in the records of
maritime discovery, and his having been a man of
conspicuous merit thus becomes very doubtful. We
can, therefore, hardly hesitate to ascribe Foxe's calum-
nious insinuations to the desire to depreciate the
merits of a great predecessor whom he had vainly
tried to outrival ; an explanation fully consistent with
the character of Foxe, who had all the conceit and
self-complacency observable in little minds.

We have now to speak of the most important
documents in our collection — Hudson's chart of the
fourth voyage, and the explanations added to it by
its publisher, Hessel Gerritz.^ Gerritz belonged to a
class of persons, to whom geographical science is very
deeply indebted. He was, like the Arrowsmiths,
Petermanns, Van der Maelens, and Johnstons of our

1 Pp. 181-194.

Xliv INTRODUCTION.

day, a geographer, map maker, and publisher of geo-
graphical works. His labours, though few in number,
are of the most genial nature. Fixing his eyes on the
boundaries of the known world, he followed with
enthusiasm the first rays of light that began to pene-
trate into regions of darkness and mystery. Hudson's
chart of the fourth voyage was Gerritz's first publica-
tion, and around it grew, in a very remarkable manner,
the most interesting of the many collections of voy-
ages and travels printed in the early part of the
seventeenth century.

Hudson's chart, of which we give an exact fac-
simile, was at first published by itself, with a short
explanation in Dutch on its back,^ probably in
autumn 1612.

The chart was republished a short time afterwards,
as part of a pamphlet in Latin,^ the first edition of
the collection of voyages and travels to which w^e have
alluded. This collection also contained an explana-
tion of the chart, somewhat ampler than the one
given at first ;^ and besides this information on the
far north-wTst, it brought before the public Fernan-
dez de Quiros's explorations in the far south, and
Massa's account and map of the regions about the
mouth of the river Oby in the far north-east. The
introduction or iwolegomcna to the pamphlet, which
contain some other valuable materials and throw a
light on the plan of the work, are reprinted in the
appendix to the present volume.^

^ Pp. 181-133. ~ Sec appendix, p. L'o6.

■' Pp. I8r)-ir)<). ' i»p. L>;j(')-i2i'_'.

INTRODUCTION. xlv

The same painplilet was again issued in 1(512, with
a new title page, and with some slight changes in
the arrangement ; but without any additions.

In the same year, 1612, a Dutch edition was pub-
lished; being in almost every respect a translation from
the Latin. The explanation of Hudson's chart^ is
however both corrected and enlarged, and is in
several important points at variance with the preced-
ing editions.

Early in the year 1613a revised Latin edition was
published, differing in many important points from
its predecessors. A new, and much shorter intro-
duction,^ took the place of the valuable prolegomena.
The explanation of Hudson's chart was translated
from the Dutch edition, with important additions and
alterations at the end.^ The voyage of Cornelis Nai
to the north-east and north-west, to which allusion
is made in the prolegomena to the first edition, is
here described in full ; the navigator having returned
in the interval. Some corrections of doubtful value
are also introduced into Massa's map.

The last edition of the work was also published in
1613. It is in every respect identical with the one
just described ; but contains at the end Peter Plan-
cius's observations on the dispute between the Eng-
lish and Dutch, with regard to the discovery of
Spitzbergen. This edition is extremely rare.

The chart published by Gerritz had originally been
drawn by Hudson himself. This fact, which is clearly

^ Tp. 189-193. - Appendix, pp. 211-212.

3 Pp. 193-194.

Xlvi INTRODUCTION.

stated by the publisher,^ is also borne out by other cir-
cumstances. We learn from Pricket that Hudson had
drawn a chart of the strait and bay, which the muti-
neers consulted on their home voyage. ^ The delinea-
tion before us is evidently based on a knowledge of
the localities ; and it contains only such places as
Hudson himself had visited. Still it might surprise
us that the chart was published in Holland, not in
England. This somewhat singular circumstance can,
however, be readily explained. Holland was at that
time the centre of all geographical research, owing
to the impulse given to these studies by the Belgian
emigrants. These scholars made ample use of the
facilities afforded them by the dispersion of so many
friends over all parts of the civilised world. Tliey
entertained more especially a lively intercourse with
England, as can be seen by a glance thrown on the
labours of the most prominent among them. We
can thus guess how Hudson's chart was obtained,
and we may, perhaps, even be fortunate enough to
divine the very channel through which it reached
Hessel Gerritz.

The chart seems to have been first sent from Eng-
land to Peter Plancius, one of the most eminent
geographical scholars among the Belgian emigrants,
and who was, like the late Sir John Barrow, universally
known to take a special interest in the search for a
short northern route to China, a subject which he
had also been discussing with Hudson himself.
Hessel Gerritz's publication was at least made with

' P. 194, note 1. ' I'p. 121 and 126.

INTRODUCTION. xlvu

the sanction, and, to a certain degree, nnder the
auspices of Peter Plancius; as appears from Plancius's
supplement to the last edition, and from many re-
marks in Gerritz's explanations of the chart.

The delineation 'which we have hefore us may
seem a poor work to modern eyes, and many persons
might think that the engraved copy did not do full
justice to the original draught. But when we apply
the standard of Hudson's time instead of our own, we
find this chart to be far superior to many contempo-
rary productions, and decidedly the facile iirinccps of
all the then existing delineations of the arctic regions.
The elementary state of geographical science, the
imperfections of the instruments, the entire want of
any previous data, the fogs, the storms, and the ice
of those inhospitable regions, fully explain the un-
avoidable defects of the work.

The engraving of the chart is very probably by
Hessel Gerritz's own hand. The ornamental additions
are in the same fine bold style which distinguishes an
exquisite and rare engraving representing tvalrusscs
signed by him. The style in which the chart itself
is engraved is not unlike that of Hessel Gerritz's
map of Russia in Bleau's great atlas. The fidelity
with which most English terms are copied, and, on
the other hand, the occasional Batavianisms (such as
hoojje for hope^ Yslandt for Iceland, etc.), need, therefore,
not surprise us. Our own engraving of this remark-
able chart is of course somewhat inferior to the origi-
nal ; but it is nevertheless an exceedingly good copy.

Lucidity of style is not among Gerritz's good points.

Xlviii INTRODUCTION.

as his explanations to Hudson's chart too well show.
They are made up from two different elements, neither
being presented in the most acceptable shape. The
explanations contain, first a summary of Hudson's and
Plancius's discussions about the search for a north-
western passage in the locality where Hudson after-
wards discovered his strait. The account of these con-
versations seems to be correct in all main points, though
somewhat confused in certain details. Far greater,
unfortunately, is the confusion which prevails in the
other part of Hessel Gerritz's explanations. His
account of the voyage is confusion itself. The vari-
ous versions in the different editions even contradict
each other in some important points. The facts in
which all the editions agree are of but minor import-
ance. Some of them seem to owe their origin to a
reliable source, some to be based on hearsay.

The whole work of Hessel Gerritz has been re-
peatedly reprinted in Germany. The best known of
these counterfeits forms part of the great De Bry
collection. It is easy to distinguish, both in the
originals and in the reprints, the text of the first
from those of the later Latin editions. The following
are the most characteristic marks. In the original edi-
tions the date^ 1612 for the first, 1613 for the others ;
secondly, the greater length of the prolegomena in
the first edition, eight pages in one case, two in the
other ; lastly, a very curious difference. George
Weymouth, whose expedition is repeatedly referred
to in the explanations to Hudson's chart, is in the
first edition called Wtmuood, the name of the English

INTRODUCTION. xlix

ambassador at the Hague. This mistake is corrected
in the later editions. It is, of coarse, copied in tlie
reprints.

The last one^ of our documents is another chart,
which serves to illustrate Hudson's two first voyages.
It is taken from Pontanus's history of Amsterdam,
published in that city in 1611, and illustrated with
maps by the publisher, the celebrated Josse, or
Jodocus, Hondius, to whom we have repeatedly al-
luded. Pontanus's work contains in several of its
chapters the history of the voyages of the Dutch, and
among them an account of Barentz's three expedi-
tions to the north. The present chart is intended to
illustrate the third of these voyages ; and it would
thus seem not to bear special reference to Hudson.
Hondius had, however, come in contact with our
navigator in 1609, and appears to have obtained
from him some details about his two first voyages.
The conscientious geographer thouglit it his duty
to introduce this information into his chart of
arctic regions, and this chart is therefore almost
as much an illustration of Hudson's as of Barentz's
voyages. Colin s Cape^ one of the localities discovered

* Besides the printed sources which we have reviewed, there
exist some manuscript notices among the documents of the Dutch
East India Company. Considerable efforts have been made to
obtain fac-similes of these ; but as yet without result. We have,
however, full reason to hope, that we shall be able to make this
important addition to our collection before we finally close it.
The printing of the present part of the work could not be any
longer delayed ; we must therefore review these manuscript docu-
ments in another part of our introduction.

1 INTRODUCTION.

in 1607, and the Banquise, or continuous icebank,
which hindered Hudson's progress to the north, are
to be found in no other map or chart, either old or
new. The words on this chart, Glacies ah H. Hud-
sono detecta anno 1608, also contain the first mention
publicly made of our navigator.

The appendix to our collection consists of several
pieces, not strictly bearing on Hudson's career, but
illustrating points of collateral interest. The first
of them is Verazzano's voyage along the North Ame-
rican coasts, and his discovery of Hudson's river. ^ This
voyage is already well known from Ramusio and
Hakluyt. But Verazzano's original letter, preserved
in the Magliabecchian library in Florence, has never
yet been printed in Europe. It is, however, of great
interest, not only on account of the verve and fresh-
ness prevailing in it, but more especially on account
of a valuable appendix, which Ramusio has not
given. This appendix is of special importance for
our subject, because it restores one of the connecting
links in the history of arctic discovery. The reasons
which we give for inserting this somewhat extensive
document in our collection are not, however, meant
as excuses for printing it. It undoubtedly deserves,
on its own merits, a place among the collections of
the Hakluyt Society, and it will better repay an
attentive perusal than any other part of the present
volume. We have purposely adopted Professor Cogs-
well's excellent translation, which preserves in most
respects the character of the original. We have also

' Pp. 197.

INTRODUCTION. H

borrowed from him the introduction and the notes
by which his translation is accompanied.

The appendix further contains the English trans-
lations of two papers which had originally been writ-
ten in Dutch by the celebrated William Barentz, had
then passed into the hands of Peter Plancius, and then
into those of Henry Hudson, who got them trans-
lated into English.^ The translations were first in
Hakluyt's, then in Purchas's possession. The latter
published them, as he says, for Barentz's sake. They
are not less important for the biography of our navi-
gator, and furnish some of the few existing materials
towards his personal history.

The next piece^ in our appendix is an extract from
Van der Donck, about the wampum or bead money
of the Indians, as an illustration to a passage in
Juet's Journal, p. 86, note 2.

Then follow, as the concluding pieces, the pro-
legomena to the first and to the second Latin editions
of Hessel Gerritz's work.^ Of this book we have
spoken at sufficient length, and on reference to the
papers themselves, it will easily be seen that they
are interesting and important.

Having concluded our review of the sources, we
now proceed to give a short account of the existing
researches respecting Henry Hudson that have come
under our notice.

Summaries of our navigator's career are contained
in many cyclopaedias and biographical handbooks.
They generally convey some idea of his purposes and

' P. 229. 2 p 235. 3 pp 236, 242.

lii INTRODUCTION. •

principal discoveries, but are inexact in their details ;
being mostly based on a somewhat superficial ac-
quaintance with the documents collected by Purchas,
without those preserved by other hands. Of the
articles examined by us, those in the Biographie TJni-
versclle and Biographia Britannica are the best. None
of them, however, contain anything that can be pro-
perly called original research. To the same class of
labours belongs also a sketch of Hudson's life, among
the collection of biographies edited by Mr. Jared
Sparks. This sketch is well written ; and one or two
other sources, besides those collected by Purchas,
have been made use of. We also notice here and
there an original observation. But the research is
not of sufficient depth to render it useful for a special
purpose like ours.

Another class of short biographies of Hudson is
contained in general and special works on arctic dis-
covery ; such as Adelung, Forster, Barrow, etc. The
authors of these works are better acquainted with the
arctic regions than the contributors to handbooks of
a more general nature. Still, few of them have
thought it worth their while to inquire, with any-
thing like diligence, into Hudson's career ; and it
may perhaps be observed without injustice, that the
histories of arctic discovery arc all of them some-
what below the present standard of critical research.
Little, if anything for our purpose, can be learned
from the more general works. They contain rapid,
and sometimes even hasty, summaries of the most
accessible sources ; this being, indeed, the avowed

INTRODUCTION. liu

plan of the best known of these histories, that of Sir
John Barrow. It would be unjust to pass the same
criticism on Mr. Rundall's Vojjagcs towards the North-
West. But the purpose of this diligent scholar is
more to lay before his readers as yet unknown
sources, drawn from archives and libraries, than to
indulge in geographical details. His sketch of Hud-
son's last voyage is, therefore, more an interesting link
in a chain of valuable evidence, than an independent
production ; and we cannot blame the author for its
having proved of little advantage for our purpose.
It is not Mr. Rundall's fault that he has been unable
to find any new documents concerning Hudson's
career.

More satisfactory researches are to be found in some
works of a more special character. Captain Beechey,
in his well-known appendix to his arctic voyage,
dwells at some length on Hudson's first and second
expeditions. Captain Beechey has used only Playse's
description of the first, and Hudson's description of
the second voyage, without the other fragments. But
he is himself thoroughly acquainted with the locali-
ties, and his observations are of very great value.
They have often been quoted and extracted by more
recent writers.

One passage in Hudson's account of his second
voyage has also been examined with much critical
acumen by Dr. Beke, in the introduction to his
edition of De Veer.

None of the four voyages has, however, been more
specially investigated and commented upon than the

liv INTRODUCTION.

third, which led to the discovery of Hudson's river.
The inhabitants of the United States have, with a
most laudable zeal and energy, embraced the task of
inquiring into their own antiquities ; and the task
being in itself of a limited nature, these researches
have already been brought to greater completeness
than perhaps those concerning any part of the Old
World. The State of New York has, in this respect,
been both more zealous and more successful than any
other. The New York Historical Society, an associa-
tion formed for this kind of research, has been flourish-
ing for the last half century; and it may look back with
pride on its past career. Besides the labours, both at
public and at private expense, which the society has
encouraged, they have themselves published in their
collections many of tlie most important documents
concerning their national history. To these collec-
tions Ave are largely indebted. We have borrowed
from them the translations from De Laet, Van der
Donck and Lambrechtsen, and Dr. Heckewelder's
observations, as well as the original and the trans-
lation of Verazzano's letter. The collections also con-
tain a reprint of the chapters in Purchas's Pilgrimage^
which form pp. 1-138 of our volume; so that by
far the greater part of what we have reprinted is
also to be found in various places of those American
collections.

The collections also contain the first special essay
on Hudson's third voyage, written in 1810 by Dr.
Miller, a member of the society. This essay is other-
wise not very remarkable. Some of its observations

INTRODUCTION. Iv

seem, however, to be good, and have been approved
of by later American historians, who were, like the
author, acquainted with the localities.

Still more light is thrown on Hudson's third
voyage by other researches, indirectly connected
with the New York Historical Society. The most
important of them, at least for our purpose, is the
History of the State of Neiv York, begun, but never
terminated, by Yates and Moulton. This book de-
votes more than sixty pages to Henry Hudson. The
voyage along the American coasts and up and down
Hudson's river is investigated with great minuteness ;
and so little seems in this repect to be left undone,
that the more recent American historians have added
but little to Yates's and Moulton's researches.

A different kind of importance belongs to the re-
searches made in the European archives by Mr. John
Romeyn Brodhead. This gentleman was charged by
the government of the State of New York, at the
instigation of the Historical Society, to collect in
Europe all such documents as might be bearing on
the history of the state. The mission was crowned
with eminent success. Partly by his own exertions,
partly by the liberal and sometimes enthusiastic
assistance afforded him by European scholars, Mr.
Brodhead was enabled to carry home a most valuable
collection of papers. He was, of course, desirous to
obtain some MS. documents concerning Henry Hud-
son ; and his almost complete want of success in this
respect might lead us to the conclusion that really
nothing exists. We must, however, hesitate to take so

Ivi INTRODUCTION.

gloomy a view of the question. We have ah-eady had
occasion to observe, that there are distinct traces still
extant of papers concerning Hudson ; which were
preserved in Holland, some in the seventeenth, and
some as late as the beginning of the present century.
We have also observed, that a long time must elapse
before an insight can be obtained into the treasures
of the Dutch East India archives. Mr. Brodhead
was in this respect still more unfavourably situated
than he would have been at the present day. He
seems not even to have been acquainted with the
Middelburg collection, which was then in private
hands and almost forgotten. Still we owe to Mr.
Brodhead the knowledge that, at least among the
more accessible papers, nothing was to be found,
except an entry of a few lines in a ship register.

We are also under another obligation to Mr. Brod-
head. He has compiled from the materials collected
by him, a work which forms the first volume of a
History of the State of Netv YorJc. He there treats of
our navigator. Some of his observations are import-
ant. But the chief value of tlie book for our sub-
ject consists in a very complete enumeration of the
sources for the history of the third voyage.

Between Yates and Moulton's and Brodhead's
histories, another work of the same kind made its
appearance in New York, under the title Hlstorij of
New Netherlands by Dr. O'Callaghan. This book also
describes, in about ten pages, Hudson's third voy-
age. The analysis contains a few original observa-
tions. We seize this opportunity for recommending

INTRODUCTION. IvU

Dr. O'Callaghan's charming work to those few of our
readers who might feel interest enough in Henry
Hudson to follow up the subject of his splendid dis-
covery. The history of the banks of Hudson river
has here been chronicled, in a manner not the less
attractive for being entirely unassuming and natural.
The other works on the same subject, though in some
respects more exact, are somewhat tedious for persons
not specially interested in this matter.

There are also two Dutcli treatises on the IIlsto)ij
of the State of Ne IV York. AVe have already spoken
at some length of the first of them, and have extracted
all the interesting portions of the descriptions of
Hudson's voyage. The other one contains very little
of any importance for our subject.^

AVe have found no researches of any value for the
investigation of the fourth voyage, and have, with
regard to this difficult subject, been thrown almost
entirely on our own resources.

From the time of Luke Fox down to our days, it
has been almost invariably the custom to prefix to
every special account of one or more arctic expedi-
tions, a general summary of what had been done by
the predecessors of the navigator under review. This
custom has been followed as well by autobiographers
as by those who have described the voyages of others,
whether living or dead ; in order to place their heroes

^ Mr. Ch. Murphy, the United States' Minister at the Hague,
has recently issued to his friends a small pamphlet on Henry
Hudson ; hut, to the editor's regret, has declined to afford him a
sight either of a printed or a MS. copy.

Iviii INTRODUCTION.

in their proper light, by showing how much had been
achieved before them, and how much new informa-
tion they added to the old stock. We have, besides,
another still more cogent reason to adopt this method.
If we fail to do so, some of the most important pas-
sages, and often the whole context of the sources
■which we have collected, would remain obscure. For,
Hudson and his companions could, of course, not
have been previously acquainted with the real fea-
tures of the regions among which their explorations
lay. Had they been so, their labours would have
been superfluous. They entertained, on the contrary,
notions which were more or less wide from the truth.
These notions, though shared by Hudson's contem-
poraries, for whom the various journals and logbooks
were kept, have long since given way to better know-
ledge, and have disappeared from the memory of man.
Thus the journals and logbooks are, in soma respects,
as if they were written in an obsolete tongue.

To make them fully understood, we shall have to
restore the geographical ideas concerning the north
which prevailed in Hudson's time. They were based
partly on arctic expeditions, more or less imperfectly
known ; partly on rumours, which the most ancient of
these voyages had engendered ; partly on the state-
ments of Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and other classic
writers ; partly even on fantastical and entirely
groundless imaginations, that liad sprung up during
the middle ages. All these elements, singularly
mixed as they were, had in some degree been ar-
ranged and digested by the geograpliical critics of

INTRODUCTION. llX

the clay, who, unfortunately, however, had hut imper-
fect methods of research at their disposal, and no true
standard to guide them.

The object of the following pages will, then, be a
double one : first, to assign to Hudson his proper
place among arctic navigators, by showing what
knowledge he had received from his predecessors,
and what he added to the store collected by them ;
secondly, to define his own geographical notions, as
clearly as their nature may allow. For the sake of
clearness we shall treat of the two branches of this sub-
ject separately ; speaking first of tlie actual achieve-
ments of arctic navigators up to Hudson's time, and
tlien of the results which science had drawn from
their labours.

In so doing, it cannot be our purpose to give a
complete and critical history of arctic exploration up
to the year 1607. Our aim simply is, to restore a
chain of events, many parts of which are now^ scat-
tered and scarcely noticed ; so as to be able to attach
to it, without constraint or violence, the links fur-
nished by the labours of our navigator.

A great part of the arctic shores that have been
visited in modern times were already known to the
Scandinavians during the middle ages. The exact
limits of their discoveries cannot well be ascertained ;
nor would the present place be fit for such inquiry ;
but the great influence which these early exploits
exercised on more recent navigators, particularly on
Hudson, gives them a special claim on our attention.
It is sufficient for our purpose to observe, that the

Ix INTRODUCTION.

Scandinavians, sailing from the regions they still in-
habit, occupied and colonized Iceland, that they also
founded colonies in Greenland, and that steering still
farther to the west they reached North America.

These discoveries, and the lasting intercourse to
which they gave rise, were materially facilitated by
the geographical position of the localities themselves,
which seem to form a chain of stages thus placed by
nature for the convenience of human exploration.
The advantages drawn from these splendid oppor-
tunities by the discoverers themselves were, however,
but scanty ; and mainly so on account of their situa-
tion, which both confined them to their own limited
resources, and precluded any influence their know-
ledge might otherwise have exercised on more south-
ern nations. Fear of these northmen's savage energy,
the distance and wildness of their home, and chiefly
the hostile efforts of the Hanseatic confederacy, whose
main purpose it was to oppose them, proved so strong
a barrier, that there seemed hardly to exist any bond
between them and the rest of Europe.

Thus it happened that a treasury of knowledge the
most important existed for centuries in Europe with-
out reaching those nations to whom it would have
proved the greatest boon. It cannot, however, be
said that this knowledge remained entirely without
its effect. The records of these early exploits were
carefully kept, and repeatedly translated from one
northern tongue into another. The Scandinavians
also constructed, from the results they had obtained,
geographical systems of their own, which included

INTRODUCTION. Ixi

Iceland, Greenland, and North America. These
records and systems continued to be preserved in
Iceland even when Scandinavian navigation had al-
most ceased to exist. Although we now possess
slight fragments only of these important historical
documents, we are, nevertheless, enabled to say with
perfect certainty, that even at the end of the fifteenth
century the Scandinavians, at least those in Iceland,
had a vivid remembrance of the early achievements,
and sufficiently clear notions of the results, that had
thus been obtained.

It was not before the middle of the sixteenth cen-
tury that anything like a distinct knowledge of these
important materials reached the more southern nations
of Europe. But a number of vague rumours seem to
have spread through various channels, and travelled
southward, long before that time. Many of the early
and rude portolani and of the first geographical works
that appeared in print contain indications of Green-
land. The extreme vagueness of the information
thus derived caused that great arctic continent to
be variously drawn on maps, and also its name
to be variously spelled. "We ought not to lose
sight of this important fact ; for when the critical
geographers in Hudson's time and shortly before him
compiled their books, maps, and charts, they were
thus led to suppose the existence of several vast
arctic tracts, with very similar though not identical
names, such as Greenland, Greenland, Groneland,
Engroneland, Grocland. Two, sometimes even three,
of these appear upon the same maps, in every kind

Ixii INTRODUCTION.

of shape and position; to the north, north-east, and
north-west of Europe. The search for these various,
more or less imaginary territories, constitutes one of
the characteristic features of early northern voyages.
Ilenry Iludson suffered greatly under these delu-
sions, and contributed to dispel them.

yVe can, under these circumstances, entertain no
doubt that some geographical communications re-
specting the northern discoveries of the Scandina-
vians must have reached the south of Europe before
the time when the voyages of Columbus, Cabot, and
Vasco de Gama opened a new era in the history of
maritime explorations. Nor is it quite impossible
that the early discoveries of the northern nations
exercised some influence on the ideas of the great
Italians, Columbus and the Cabots, who discovered,
the one the West Indies, the others North America,
It is a well known and often discussed fact that
Columbus visited Iceland, the great storehouse of
Scandinavian information, respecting the north-west,
fifteen years before his first voyage across the Atlan-
tic. John Cabot resided for some time in Bristol, a
town which then carried on an active trade with
Iceland, and wdiich he and his son Sebastian after-
wards made their starting place for their expeditions
to the north-west. It is further certain that Sebastian
Cabot went to North America in 1-198 by way of
Iceland, and that, some time in his life, he made him-
self thoroughly acquainted with that country, most
probably by personal investigation. Several other
indications, on which wc cannot here dwell, contri-

INTRODUCTION. Ixiu

bute to make it probable that some connexion existed
between the discovery of North America during the
middle ages and that which constituted the com-
mencement of the modern era of arctic explorations.

This observation, which an impartial inquiry has
led us to make, by no means implies a slur on the
memory of the Cabots. Their merits will admit of the
most critical investigation ; and they would, indeed,
shine out more briglitly, if the attention which both
geographers and historians might profitably bestow
upon them were not withheld, partly from neglect,
partly from prejudice. However tempting the pre-
sent opportunity might seem for paying that debt of
gratitude, both the nature and the limits of this essay
preclude the attempt. It belongs, however, to our
subject, to take a short review of the efforts and
achievements of the Cabots, the originators of all
modern navigation in the north, whose footsteps were
implicitly followed by all their successors for more
than a century. Henry Hudson himself may, perhaps
before all others, be styled a disciple of the Cabots.

The search for a north-western and for a north-
eastern way to China, the two schemes upon wliich
all Hudson's energies were engaged, originated with
John and Sebastian Cabot. The various efforts made
in both directions, from the time of the Cabots down
to that of Henry Hudson, will be the main facts for
our consideration.

To understand how these schemes of the Cabots
arose, it is necessary to realize for a moment the geo-
graphical notions prevailing at the end of the fifteenth

Ixiv INTRODUCTION.

century. The geographical dogma of that time re-
cognized one great continent, comprising Europe,
Asia, and Africa, and surrounded by sea. This con-
tinent, with the Oceanus by which it seemed to be
encompassed, was believed to form the whole surface
of our earth. The eartVi itself was, by the great
majority, thought to be flat ; a few only knowing it
to be a globe. Of the continent no part had been in-
vestigated with anything like the accuracy of modern
times. Even the shores that were familiarly known,
were most imperfectly delineated on the best maps.
This incorrectness grows with the distance, and is
often so great as to destroy all resemblance between
the supposed and the real outline of the more distant
lands. The sources from which these notions were
drawn could, indeed, not yield any more accurate
knowledge. The systems of cosmography then recog-
nized were almost entirely based on the writings of
the ancients, the study of which had recently been
resumed. Into these systems such scraps of informa-
tion were introduced as could be gathered from the
accounts of more modern travellers, chiefly Italians,
Arabs, and Spanish Jews, with here and there a vague
indication of the northern discoveries of the Scandi-
navians.

Let us imagine a terrestrial globe constructed ac-
cording to these ideas. We perceive one great mass of
land, composed of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; Europe
very imperfectly, Asia and Africa almost fancifully
drawn. All the remaining surface of the globe con-
sists of one vast expanse of water, nearly unbroken.

INTRODUCTION. IxV

except by a few islands near the continent. The
eastern shores of Asia and the western shores of
Europe are separated by nothing but a wide sea.

The records of the intercourse of the ancients with
India and China, which were eagerly studied by the
eminent men of this age, and still more the accounts
of mediaeval travellers, especially of Marco Polo,
had long fixed the attention 'of Europe on the east
and south-east of Asia. Alexander's march to the
furthest boundaries of the known world was a fa-
vourite theme of mediaeval poetry. The accounts of
the civilization, population, and riches of China and
Japan, surpassing anything to be found in Europe in
Marco Polo's time, shine forth with almost fabulous
splendour in the description of his travels. Some of
the commodities produced in the far east had from
time immemorial formed part of the choicest luxu-
ries of European magnates. The circuitous channels
through which alone they could be obtained still
further enhanced their value. Most of them were
brought by the hands of the Arabs, and the wonder-
ful tales in which these sons of the desert described
the glories of the land of spices and emeralds were
carried westward, together with the merchandise
which formed their theme. Thus everything con-
tributed to make the east and south-east of Asia
appear as the very ideal of fairy land.

It is therefore very natural that in some minds the
idea arose of crossing the ocean, which alone seemed
to separate Europe from these wonderful shores ; and
we all know how Columbus attempted it and what

Ixvi INTRODUCTION.

he found. The same object was also pursued by the
Cabots. But instead of sailing like Columbus through
the tropical regions, John and Sebastian Cabot di-
rected their course to the north-west. It would be
interesting to ascertain why they adopted this road.
The reason which they themselves put forth is suffi-
cient to explain their proceedings. They said that
the iiearer to the North Pole the shorter the course ivoidd
necessarily he. This reason has been powerful enough
to induce so many hardy adventurers to follow in the
footsteps of the Cabots ; and it must have seemed
much more plausible before the existence of the new
continent, which blocks up the passage, and before
the difficulties and horrors of arctic navigation were
known. Still it is not improbable that John Cabot
had, during his stay in Bristol, received some hints
from the Icelanders who traded to that port. For,
having this opportunity to become acquainted with
their records, it would be a strange coincidence
had he merely by chance trodden in the very foot-
steps of the ancient Scandinavians. Like them,
he reached North America by way of Iceland ; and
like them, in a region which some Icelandic scholars
were, at the very time of his expedition, describing
in their geographical manuals.^

But even if we suppose Cabot to have been ac-
quainted with the voyages to Vinland, these events
did not appear to him in their true light. They did
not lead him to surmise the existence of a continent
different from the one which contained Europe and
^ See note A, at the end of the introduction.

INTRODUCTION. Ixvii

Asia. He was as yet completely convinced that
nothing but the ocean divided England from China.
The fact that the ocean had been crossed, and that
land had been discovered on the other side, would
simply prove to him that China might be reached
by that route. The Cathay of Marco Polo and the
vaguely described Vinland of the Scandinavians,
would appear to him as identical ; and he would
conclude, that by following in the footsteps of the
Northmen, he must also arrive in Cathay. Stupen-
dous as these mistakes may appear to us, they were
natural in a time when the term latitude was yet
almost unknown, and they form the simplest expla-
nation of John Cabot's first north-western voyage.

Some recently discovered documents serve to dispel
part of the obscurity which surrounds the history of
the Cabots ; so that the main facts of their career may
now be stated with tolerable clearness, leaving, how-
ever, still several very important points open to
doubt. John Cabot, a Venetian miles auratus, or
gold- spurred knight, resided for some time in Bristol,
following mercantile pursuits, like many other Italian
gentlemen of that age. He returned to Venice, and,
after a long absence from England, we find him again
here in 1496.

The country from which he started on his first ex-
pedition to America, as well as the date of the disco-
very, remain uncertain. Sebastian Cabot, John's son
and companion, asserts that the expedition took place
in 1494, and that land was first seen the 24th of
June of that year. It is difficult to conciliate this

Ixviii INTRODUCTION.

statement with some thoroughly reliable details of
the Cabots' expedition to America in 1497, which
appears in every way as if it had been their first
voyage of discovery.

Our doubts are still increased by the following
fact. The statement to which we allude was made
on a large map or planisphere by Sebastian Cabot
in 1544 and 1549, when he was an old man, perhaps
of feeble memory. This same map was afterwards
copied by Clement Adams, a geographer of that time,
who was undoubtedly acquainted with Cabot. Adams
deliberately alters the date of 1494 into 1497.

Many important questions connected with this first
expedition must thus remain in abeyance. Sebastian
Cabot has described it in a few lines, and from the
description we learn the day of the first landing, and,
perhaps, the locality where it took place. Does this
really apply to a voyage undertaken in 1494, or must
it be referred to the expedition of 1497 \ Further,
under what impressions did John Cabot act when he
took out his letters patent in 1496 \

Cabot obtained in March 1496, from Henry VII,
letters patent for the discovery of new lands, for him-
self and his sons, Sebastian, Ludovico, and Sanzio.
He sailed from Bristol in spring 1497, and returned
to England about the 10th of August of the same
year. The voyage is described in the following words
by the Venetian Pasqualigo, who was in London at
the time of Cabot's return. ^

^ Extract from a letter written by Lorenzo Pasqualigo, son of
the late Messcr Filippo, dated London, August 2ord, addressed

INTRODUCTION. Ixix

" This Venetian of ours, who went with a ship from Bristol
in quest of new islands, is returned, and says, that seven
hundred leagues hence he discovered ' terra firma,' which is
the territory of the Grand Cham ; he coasted for three hun-
dred leagues and landed ; he saw no human being whatso-
ever, but he has brought hither to the king certain snares,
which had been set to catch game, and a needle for making
nets ; he also found some felled trees, wherefore he sup-
posed there were inhabitants, and returned to his ship in
alarm.

" He was three months on the voyage it is quite certain ;
and coming back he saw two islands to starboard, but would
not land, time being precious as he was short of provisions.
The king is much pleased with this intelligence. He says
that the tides are slack, and do not flow as they do here.

" The king has promised that in the spring he shall have
ten ships, armed according to his own fancy, and at his
request he has conceded him all the prisoners, except such
as are confined for high treason, to man them with. He has
also given him money wherewith to amuse himself till then,
and he is now at Bristol with his wife, who is a Venetian
woman, and with his sons ; his name is Zuan Cabot, and
they call him the great admiral. Vast honour is paid him,
and he dresses in silk ; and these English run after him like
mad people, so that he can enlist as many of them as he
pleases, and a number of our own rogues besides.

'' The discoverer of these places planted on his new-found
land a large cross, with one flag of England and another of
S. Mark, by reason of his being a Venetian ; so that our
banner has floated very far afield."

This letter is a fit subject for much speculation.

to his brothers, Alvise and Francisco Pasqualigo, in Venice. Re-
ceived on the 23rd of September, 1497. — Collections of the Philo-
hiblon Society, vol. ii.

IxX INTRODUCTION.

Only two of the questions to which it gives rise seem,
however, to belong to our province. The country of
the Great Clian^ of which Pasqualigo speaks, is the
Cathay of Rubruquis and Marco Polo, that is to say,
northern China. The vague terms in which geogra-
phical information was published in the middle ages,
had engendered a signal and very momentous mistake.
The Cathay of the early travellers was supposed to
lie very much further to the north-east than it really
does, and densely populated kingdoms were thought
to exist in the extreme north-east of Asia, where only
some dreary Kamtchadalian village breaks the soli-
tude of a hundred miles of snow. The Cathay towards
which the Cabots, Verazzano, Willoughby, Frobisher,
Barentz, and Hudson directed their efforts was an
imaginary country, without any real existence. It
is worthy of notice, that the Cabots were thought to
have reached that far famed coast. The existence of
a continent between Europe and Asia had thus either
not yet been understood, or, at least, not yet been
publicly acknowledged by them in the year 1497.

On the other hand, it is only fair to observe that
the discovery of the new continent, as a real though
not yet as an acknowledged fact, must be numbered
among the results of the 1497 expedition, unless we
are inclined to attribute it to the doubtful one of
1494. It is impossible to sail, as the Cabots did,
three hundred leagues along the coast of any part of
North America, north of the tropics, without falling
in with the terra firma. The vexed question, wlie-
ther Newfoundland or Labrador was the first land

INTRODUCTION. Ixxi

touched by the Cabots, becomes, therefore, entirely
unavailing, as regards the first discovery of the main-
land of America, which discovery belongs to the
Cabots beyond all doubt and cavil. The controversy
that has been carried on with much zeal and some
unfairness between the partisans of Columbus and
those of John and Sebastian Cabot, may, therefore,
at last be set at rest. And this is the more desirable,
as the dispute is utterly at variance wdth the view^s
of those great men. No one was readier than Sebas-
tian Cabot to acknowledge the real and immortal
merit of Columbus, namely, that of having first
crossed the Atlantic Ocean. Neither Columbus nor
Cabot claimed the discovery of America. Colum-
bus never recognised that a new continent had been
found, and supposed his own explorations to lie
among the islands of Japan. Cabot did discover
America, and did recognise the existence of a new
continent; but he only considered it as a hateful bar-
rier, which he made lifelong efibrts to break through.
For that is the aim of his voyages in search of a
north-w^estern and of a western passage to Asia.

It seems not to have struck any one of the numer-
ous writers on this topic, that the search for a passage
through the new continent is an obvious acknow-
ledgment of its existence. It involves the scientific
discovery of the New World. This merit belongs to
Sebastian Cabot. He was the first to recognize that
a new and unknown continent was lying, as one vast
barrier, between Western Europe and Eastern Asia.

Sebastian Cabot's expedition in the year 1498 was

Ixxii INTRODUCTION.

the first voyage in search of a north-west passage.
It was performed by Sebastian alone, without the
companionship of his father.^ We possess a certain
number of contemporary accounts of this expedition ;
but all of them very short, and written by men un-
acquainted with the localities. The fact of the
search for a passage, and some minor details of the
expedition, are thus rendered perfectly certain, whilst
the locality where the search was first made remains
doubtful.

The following are the ascertained facts. King
Henry VII took an active interest in the expedition,
granted a new charter for it, contributed towards its
expenses, and was to share in its gains. Cabot was
the commander of a small squadron, some Bristol
merchants having joined him, and he had three hun-
dred men under his orders. He sailed from England
about the beginning of May 1498, and directed his
course towards North America by way of Iceland.
He then attempted the search for a north-western
passage ; and having failed in finding it, went south-
ward along the North American coast down to 38° N.

Sebastian Cabot afterwards undertook another voy-
age in search of a north-west passage, at Henry VlH's
expense, either in 1516 or in 1517. The failure of
that expedition is ascribed to the faint-hcartedness of
Cabot's companion, Sir Thomas Perthe. The records
of these two voyages are so mixed up, that it is im-
possible to make out what belongs to the one, what

' John Cabot is therefore supposed to have died in 1497 or 1498,
a conclusion which is by no means necessary.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii

to the other. It is, however, tolerably certain that
Cabot discovered the two straits, one of which now
bears Davis's, the other Hudson's name. The west
coast of Davis's strait up to 67° 30' is figured on
Cabot's great planisphere of 1544.^ The opening of
Pludson's strait seems to be indicated on the same
map. This strait is besides so minutely described
from one of Cabot's charts by Ilichard Willes, that
we cannot for a moment hesitate to attribute that
discovery to the originator of the search for a north-
western passage. The following are Willes' words.

" You may read in his card, drawn with his own hand,
that the mouth of die Nordi Western Straight lieth near the
ol8 meridian (60 Greenwich) between 61 and 64 degrees in
the elevation, continuing the same breadth about ten degrees
west, where it openeth southerly more and more."

Sebastian Cabot has, therefore, the merit of having
not only started an idea wdiich has occupied the
efforts of more than three centuries ; but of having
also indicated the only possible roads for carrying it
out. To do more was beyond the means which
his time afforded.-

Sebastian Cabot started in his old age another
idea, which has become almost equally momentous

1 This fact puts an end to the controversy, as to whether Cabot
did or did not reach that high latitude. The observation itself is
due to Mr. D'Avezac, the eminent French geographer, who was
kind enough to communicate it to the writer of the present pages
a few years ago, when examining with him the planisphere of
Sebastian Cabot in the Paris library.

^ See note B, at the end of the introduction, for a statement of
the sources from which the account of the Cabots has been drawn,

Ixxiv INTRODUCTION.

in the history of arctic discovery — the search for a
north-eastern route to China. More than half a
century ehapsecl between the origin of the first and
that of the second scheme. For the present we
confine ourselves to the history of the search for a
north-western passage down to Hudson's time, and
shall afterwards take up the history of that north
eastern route.

The early expeditions in search of a north-western
passage may be divided into two distinct epochs.
The aim was identical in both ; but the methods
were difi'erent. All the early navigators who sought
for a passage through the new continent wished to
break through the unwelcome barrier between the
west of Europe and Cathay, and thus to reach Asia
by a short road. The diff'erence between the two
epochs consists in the amount of knowledge of the real
nature of that barrier, which the one and the other
possessed. The first attempts may, perhaps, be likened
to a blind rush at an obstacle, the extent and diffi-
culties of which were not yet understood. These at-
tempts ended in despair, and in a temporary aban-
donment of the grand scheme. But they also brought
about incidentally, and ahnost to the regret of those
who made them, extensive explorations of the ob-
stacle which would not yield to their efforts ; that
is to say, of the New World. Some unexpected
advantages were also discovered, and led to a regular
intercourse with the shores of North America, and
by means of these voyages a more accurate know-
ledge of the North American coasts was obtained.

INTRODUCTION. IxXV

The systems of geographical criticism were at the
same time developed, the various scraps of informa-
tion were collected, confronted and arranged by indus-
trious scholars, and an immense progress was made in
geographical science. The explorers of the second
epoch, Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hudson, and
his successors, had the labours of Mercator, Ortelius
and of other geographers to guide them. They had
the means of knowing the real shape of America, at
least in all its principal features, and had thus a
sound basis for their efforts, and a more confined
space towards which to direct them ; whilst, to their
early predecessors, the very existence of a New
World was a startling and unexpected fact. This is
the reason for the vaguer aims of one class, and for
the more distinct aims of another class of hardy ma-
riners, both of whom deserve in an equal degree our
admiration and our gratitude.

The search for a short route from Western Europe
to China, belonged naturally to those European
states that would most profit by its being discovered;
namely, to those bordering on the Atlantic Ocean, to
England, France, Spain, and Portugal. Each of
these kingdoms took a share in the search for a pas-
sage, but the French, Spaniards, and Portuguese
only during the first epoch. It is one of the glories
of England to have alone persevered in this great
undertaking.

The Portuguese were the first nation that followed
in Sebastian Cabot's footsteps. Within four years
after his expedition of 1498, two Portuguese voyages

Ixxvi INTRODUCTION.

to the north-west took place, both under the evident
influence of the impulse given by him. Tlie disco-
veries made by the Cabots in 1497 and 1498 seem to
have engendered a vague report that a terra nova^
a land not to be found on maps and charts, existed
somewhere in the north-west. Gaspar de Cortereal,
a Portuguese gentlemen of high standing, set out in
search of that land towards the end of the year 1500.
He returned to Lisbon in October, 1501. But little
satisfied with the result of his expedition, he returned
again to the North American shores, where he at last
met his death. He seems to have been the first of
those who were led by the appearance of the mouth
of the St. Lawrence river, to mistake it for a passage
to the Eastern^ Ocean. Nothing could be more natural
for a man who approached it without previous know-
ledge. The mouth of the St. Lawrence is nearly one
hundred miles wide, and in spite of the great quan-
tity of fresh water which it conveys to tlie sea, it is
almost as much to be called an estuary as the mouth
of the Thames. Cortereal's explorations, as far as
they can be ascertained from a few vague fragments
of intelligence, embrace the mouth of the St. Law-
rence, the gulf into which the river falls, with some
of the islands within it, and part of the eastern shore
of Newfoundland.

Tlie other Portuguese undertaking is in itself less
important than Oortereal's voyage : it is, however, a
curious event. Three Portuguese gentlemen formed
an association for an expedition to the north-west

^ Tlie Pacific is called the Katitcni Ocean, h\ Vciaz/.anu.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii

with some Bristol merchants, probably former com-
panions of Cabot. If such was really their character,
they were guilty of much selfishness and ingratitude,
which vices were authorized and more than equalled
by their king, Henry VII, who granted away to them
the very same advantages that had been reserved to
the Cabots. The document which illustrates this
disgraceful transaction is the ©nly remaining record
of the association. This document is as vague as it
is fulsome. It appears from it that the associates had
a very indistinct idea of the purpose of Sebastian
Cabot, that they wished to follow it up, and that the
king authorized them thus to rob the noble adven-
turer of his reward. It is not certain whether an
expedition took place or not. Mr. Biddle, the in-
genious scholar who has devoted his energies to the
investigation of Sebastian Cabot's career, thinks that
the associates did send out a ship, which brought
home some savages. The question is one of but
little interest for our purpose. ^

Both these expeditions, and chiefly that of Cor-
tereal, are, however, much more important from their
influence than by their immediate results. The earli-
est Portuguese navigators to the north-west seem to
have been forcibly struck by the abundance of cod
fish in these regions, a fact already noticed by the
Cabots. The Portuguese, then perhaps the most
active of maritime nations, soon availed themselves
of this advantage : they sent frequent, probably

^ For these two expeditions, see note C, at tlic end of the intro-
duction.

Ixxviii INTRODUCTION.

annual, expeditions to the fisheries of Newfoundland.
To facilitate these, they were of course obliged to
acquire some knowledge of the coasts to which they
repaired ; and, step by step, as they had wended their
way along the shores of Africa, they now explored
the cheerless regions of the north-west. These
unpretending efforts have, unfortunately, not been
chronicled, their only trace being found on ancient
charts. As far as this evidence, and that of some
summaries in the early maritime chronicles, goes, we
are led to think that the more important results were
obtained only in course of time. We shall therefore
revert to them at a future page of this inquiry.

The nation that first followed in the wake of the
Portuguese was the French. The fishing popula-
tions on the coast of Brittany and Normandy, hailing
the prospect of a new opening for their industry,
directed their course towards Newfoundland, where
they made extensive explorations, and established
themselves, like their predecessors, as regular visitors.
The Basques round the Bay of Biscay, who were
accustomed to catch thousands of small whales in
their waters, also took part in the advantageous
traffic. These voyages, from diff"erent parts of what
is now the empire of France, began in 150 J:, and
seem to have continued throughout the sixteenth
century. It is not clearly stated in the fragmentary
records of these voyages, but is fiir from improbable,
that some of them joined the idea of searching for a
short way to China to the more practical purpose of
fishing for cod. Certain it is, that some of the ear-

INTRODUCTION. IxXlX

liest of the French mariners explored the mouth of the
St. Lawrence ; perhaps, like Cortereal, deceived by
its appearance into the belief that it might be an
arm of the sea leading into the Pacific Ocean, ^

The first French voyage which is plainly recorded
to have had the search of a passage for its object, is
the celebrated one of Verazzano. What Cadamosto
had done for Portugal, Columbus for Spain, John
Cabot for England, that Verazzano did for France.
He helped, like his three illustrious countrymen, to
transfer the sovereignty of the seas from the shores
of the Mediterranean to the kingdoms that border
the Atlantic Ocean. Verazzano w^as entrusted by
Francis I of France with the command of a squadron
of four vessels. Of these he lost two in a gale, and
was obliged to put with the remaining ones into a
harbour on the coast of Brittany. Having refitted
them, he went out again, directing his course to the
south, till he reached the Azores. There he a^ain
parted from one of his two vessels, keeping only one,
the Dolphin. This is the craft in which he performed
his celebrated voyage. He started on the ITtli of
January, 1524, from a lonely rock near the island of
Madeira.

Fie has himself stated the purpose of his voyage.
" My intention was," says he, " to reach Cathay, on
the extreme coast of Asia, expecting, however, to
find in the newly discovered land some such obstacle
as it has proved to be, yet did not doubt that I should
penetrate by some passage to the eastern ocean."

^ Note D, at the end of the hitroduction.

IXXX INTRODUCTION.

The geography of the New World had already
made much progress in the quarter of a century
which elapsed between John Cabot's first voyage and
that undertaken by Verazzano. Verazzano was aware
that he would find a line of coast, nearly, if not entirely
unbroken ; extending through 120 degrees of latitude,
from 66° north to 54° south. By confronting all the
available pieces of information he had even arrived
at the exaggerated conclusion, that America was of
as large extent as Europe, Africa, and Asia taken
together. Still he hoped to find a passage through
this mighty mass of land, and to reach Cathay in his
vessel. His hope, which almost amounted to a con-
viction, may be traced back to a singular illusion,
common to all the followers of Sebastian Cabot,
which forms a characteristic feature in the history of
the search for a north-west passage.

"We have already had occasion to observe that the
first acknowledgment of the existence of a new con-
tinent, made by any European geographer, consists
in the attempt of Sebastian Cabot to break through
this terra nova. The consciousness that a new conti-
nent existed, and the wish to find a passage by
which it miglit be traversed, thus, like twin brothers,
owed their origin to the same birth. These two
ideas were at their beginning so closely entwined,
that they have never since been separated. It became
at once, and through all the succeeding development
of the geography of America, it has always remained
accepted as an axiom, that a passage through this
continent existed. The question which science and

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi

enterprise strove to resolve was not tvhethcr but ivhere
that passage was to be found. All the successors of
Sebastian Cabot acted, under this conviction, a con-
viction which has greatly contributed in producing
that wonderful perseverance with which this great
undertaking has been followed up through so many
centuries, till it has at last, in our days, been crowned
with success.

It was thus Verazzano's purpose to ascertain ivhere
the passage to Cathay might be. He, like Cabot, and
like the Portuguese and French seamen, sought it in
the north-west, but began his search somewhat fur-
ther to the south than they had done. He crossed
the Atlantic in one of its broadest parts, by an almost
due westerly course, which was but slightly deflected
to the north ; so that the land which he first fell in
with was under 34°, being part of the coast of
Carolina. There he arrived early in March 1524. He
then ascended the coast, spying out for a passage ;
and thus he reached the mouth of Hudson's river
probably at the end of March, or in the beginning of
April. He entered this natural harbour, was struck
by its capacities, and by the beauty of the surrounding
scenery ; but was compelled by a sudden squall to
leave it in haste. Soon afterwards he entered Narra-
ganset Bay (Rhode Island), where he tarried for some
time, holding intercourse with the natives, and ex-
ploring the country. Thence he started again, sail-
ing further to the north. He did not enter the
mouth of the St. Lawrence, the nature of which was

Ixxxii INTRODUCTION.

probably known to liim from the reports of French
sailors ; but steered along the east coast of New-
foundland, up to its most northern point. He then
returned to France. The whole voyage, from Madeira
to America, then along the coast, and back to Dieppe,
lasted but five months and a half ; several weeks of
which time were spent in Narraganset Bay.

Verazzano described his voyage in a letter to
Francis I, king of France, dated Dieppe, July 1524.
This letter is well known to the geographical student,
from a version of it in Ramusio's collection of voy-
ages, which has been translated by Hakluyt, and
inserted both into the Divers Voyages and into his
greater and more celebrated work. But Ramusio has
printed not a faithful copy, but a version of his own.
He has embellished and corrected the style of the
rough sailor, and thus given the whole piece a new
and factitious colouring. He has besides suppressed
a very important cosmographical appendix, which
throws considerable light, not only on Verazzano's
plans, but also on the history of the geography of the
New World, and on that of the search for a north-
west passage. These have been the reasons for our
inserting the original letter in the present volume.
The above summary is taken partly from the account
of the voyage itself, partly from the appendix, as
reference to these papers will show.

The period when the Spanish expeditions to the
north-west began is not quite certain. Projects of
this kind were entertained by the Spanish court as
early as the year 1500. The following passage of

INTRODUCTION, Ixxxiu

Navarrete contains all that we have been able to find
on the subject : —

On the 6th of May, 1500, Ferdinand and Isabella wrote
from Seville, that Juan Dorvelos, or Dornelos, should come
to court or depute a person, with whom they might agree
upon the best means for a voyage of discovery ; and we may
conjecture (says Navarrete), that the plan Avas to survey the
seas which Sebastian Cabot had just discovered. Better
authenticated, however, is the agreement or contract con-
cluded in October, 1511, with Juan de Agramonte, a native
of Lerida, for the discovery of the seas of Newfoundland
f Terra Nova J. He was made captain for this expedition,
which was to be undertaken in two Spanish ships, with
Spanish sailors ; except two pilots, who might be from
Brittany or some other country, and should be acquainted
with those seas and coasts. We do not know the result of
this expedition, which is not mentioned by our historians.

It is also stated, by a doubtful authority, that a Span-
iard named Velasco accompanied Aubry, the French
seaman who first explored the mouth of the St. Law-
rence, in 1508. Certain it is, however, that the wish to
find a passage through the new continent occupied the
minds of the Spaniards at a very early date. It is a
well known fact that Columbus' expedition to the west
was, like that of Cabot, originally intended to reach
Asia. Columbus, however, believed that the West
India Islands which he had found were identical
with the Zipangu of Marco Polo, that is to say with
Japan ; and he was thus induced to think that he
had achieved his purpose of reaching Asia. Soon,
however, it dawned on the Spaniards, as well as on
the rest of Europe, that the West Indies were not

Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION.

Japan; that Central America was not China; and
that to reach Asia by a westerly route, an unexpected
obstacle had to be overcome. The Spaniards devoted
themselves to this new task with the obstinate energy
that characterized them in those days, and they made
numerous expeditions both by sea and by land, to
find a passage through Central America, but always
without result. This want of success doubled their
eager desire. The search for a passage became more
and more a national concern, in which both Charles
V, and Ferdinand Cortez, his great lieutenant, took a
most lively interest. A new direction was given to
their efforts by a false rumour, that some other nation
had found the passage and were keeping it secret.
This rumour gained ground at the same time in Spain,
and in its American colonies; as is clearly proved by
contemporary evidence ; and especially by one of the
most important geographical documents of the six-
teenth century.

The document we allude to is the celebrated
Rclatio Quarta of Ferdinand Cortez, one of the re-
ports which he addressed to the emperor Charles V.
It is dated Temixtitan (Mexico), October 18th, 1524,
and treats of all the various subjects of local admi-
nistration on which the viceroy could be expected to
address his sovereign. Mention is repeatedly made
of the search for a passage, of Cortez' various efforts
in that direction, and of their want of the desired
result. One entire chapter of the report is devoted
to the discussion of a project, from the execution of
which Cortez not unreasonably expected the solution

INTRODUCTION. IxXXV

of the whole question. According to a rumour, in
■which Cortez professes his full belief, a passage lead-
ing out of the river Panuco, then trending to the
north, through Florida, and reaching the Pacific
Ocean in the latitude of the Baccalaos, had been
found by some other nation, and was kept a pro-
found secret. Cortez states his intention to send
out two expeditions, the one on the Atlantic (Mar
del Norte), the other on the Pacific (Mar del Zur),
to search along the whole coast, from the straits of
Magellan up to the Baccalaos, till they fell in wiih
the passage. The plan seems never to have been
acted upon, at least in its original shape. Most of its
suggestions were afterwards carried out by the Span-
iards, but in isolated efforts, and without that energy
which would have marked any enterprise of such
a man as Ferdinand Cortez. The reason for his drop-
ping the scheme was simply the want of money.

The same rumour which reached Cortez about the
year 1524, had in 1523, or before that year, reached
Charles V. " Several geographers," says Herrera,
" had assured the king that it would be easy to dis-
cover eastern Cathay by a strait between the Atlan-
tic and Pacific ;" and from an observation of Peter
Martyr, we learn, that this imaginary strait, like the
imaginary one of Ferdinand Cortez, was supposed to
be situated between Florida and Baccalaos. In order
to understand the events which followed from this ru-
mour, it is desirable to explain what it referred to and
how it had arisen. This can be done approximately,
though not with the clearness which might be wished

IxXXvi INTRODUCTION.

for. Florida and Baccalaos were both vague terms.
The former of them served as a summary designation
for the then almost unknown countries of the North
American mainland, immediately to the north of the
Spanish possessions. Boundary lines are not to be
found in the early maps of America, and it is impos-
sible to state where the northern frontier of Florida
might have been thought to be. All we can say is
that the term is seldom, if at all, used for tracts
north of 40°. Baccalaos originally means codfish. As
a geographical designation it was applied to the fish-
ing stations along the northern shores, which alone
gave these regions any importance in the eyes of
Europeans. Baccalaos, as a geographical term, is of a
still vaguer nature than that of Florida, and may in
its widest meaning be said to embrace the coasts from
57° down to 45° N. It is, however, in hardly any case
used for any part south of Newfoundland, 48° being
in some old geographies expressly mentioned as the
southern limit. Under these circumstances it hardly
allows of a doubt that the rumour of a strait between
Baccalaos and Florida, which circulated both in Spain
and in Mexico, had originated in the vain hopes for a
passage, which the deceptive appearance of the mouth
of the St. Lawrence afforded to the early explorers.
It was in conformity with the ideas and habits of
those times, that a man's or nation's most positive
assertions of want of success in such an endeavour
would be the most powerful means of convincing
others that they had been successful, but desired to
keep for themselves all the advantages of an import-
ant secret.

INTRODUCTION. IxXXVil

One of those who insisted most strongly on the
possibility of finding a strait between Baccalaos and
Florida, was Estevan Gomez, a Portuguese pilot in
the Spanish service, who had been one of the com-
panions of Magellan, and had gained an unenviable
notoriety by the mutinous spirit shown by him during
the voyage of the Victoria. Gomez, however, enjoyed a
good reputation for nautical skill and cosmographical
acquirements. He was one of the scientific authorities
present at the congress of Badajos and Gelves,^ which
met in 152-i to settle the line of demarcation be-
tween the Spanish and Portuguese claims to the
newly discovered regions. He must, therefore, have
been considered one of the most distinguished cosmo-
graphers of the age. Modern historians seem to be
disposed to hold Gomez in less high estimation than
his contemporaries did. In this respect, they are
influenced by a passage in the eighth decade of
Peter Martyr's work De Orhe Novo ; where Gomez'
endeavours are spoken of in a sneering and contemp-
tuous manner. But they fail to observe that there is
a singular change of language to be observed even in
Peter Martyr. In his sixth decade he speaks of
Gomez as artts maritimce peritus ; whilst in the last
decade he says of him, Inanes hujiis honi hominis fore
cogitationes existimavi semper et prmposui. So difi"erently
did the historian judge of the Portuguese pilot
before, and after he had become acquainted with the
details of his project. To explain this change, we

1 The seamen and geographers who attended the congress had
personally no voice in the decision, but acted as referees.

IxXXViii INTRODUCTION.

shall have recourse to the suggestions of Mr. Biddle,
the ingenious scholar, who has clone so much to clear
up the dark points in Sebastian Cabot's career. Peter
Martyr was a friend of Cabot, and he may very natur-
ally have considered Gomez' new scheme as an insult
offered to the great navigator, who had in the year 1498
in vain sought for a passage in the locality where the
Portuguese pilot was confident to discover it. Howso-
ever this may be, Peter Martyr's prejudice has to a
very considerable extent affected Gomez' fame ; so
much so, indeed, that most of the early historians
have repeated Peter Martyr's sneers, whilst the
modern writers have, without a single exception,
either omitted Gomez' name from their books or
treated his labours with contempt. This treatment is
entirely undeserved. Gomez ought to occupy a
high place among early explorers, and one of the
first among the men connected with the regions
with which Hudson's name is associated. He went
over much of the ground that Verazzano had ex-
plored a few months before him. Both have left
charts of their explorations ; and that of the Portu-
guese pilot is infinitely superior to that of the Ita-
lian seaman. Verazzano's chart has been preserved
merely as a kind of geograpliical curiosity ; whilst
that of Gomez has served as the basis for the deli-
neation of the coasts of Maryland, New Jersey, New
York, and Rhode Island, on nearly all the maps of
the sixteenth, and on some of the seventeenth cen-
tury. The charts which Hudson himself must have
used when exploring the river which bears liis name,

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix

contained the mouth of that river and the neighbour-
ing parts laid down from Estevan Gomez's survey.

The expedition of Estevan Gomez has not been
described by any modern author. This is not from
want of materials ; for w^e know as much of him as
of any early navigators wdio have not left us their
own journals.

The following are the principal facts to be gathered
from the maritime chronicles of the sixteenth cen-
tury. Estevan Gomez made his offer to find the
passage in the year 1523. In the following year,
1524, he was attending the congress of Badajoz.
Sebastian Cabot, who had twice been in the service
of England, and had twice left it in disgust, was at
that time the pilot-major of Spain, and was also
present at the congress. Some kind of discussion of
Gomez's plan, must therefore unavoidably have taken
place between these two navigators. But we find
no trace of Cabot's having either advocated or op-
posed the plan ; and we are inclined to believe that
he communicated his private thoughts only to such
friends as Peter Martyr. We find it stated that
Cabot held out, about this time, great hopes of new
discoveries among, or near the Spice Islands ; and
that this consideration contributed to render Charles
V favourable to Gomez's proposals. There were on
the other hand two strong reasons for hesitating.
First, the opposition of Peter Martyr, who was a
much respected and very influential member of the
council of the Indies ; and secondly the entreaties of
the king of Portugal, that the expedition might not

XC INTRODUCTION.

take place. The conference of Badajoz had been held
principally for the sake of settling, between Spain
and Portugal, the question of the rival claims to the
Spice Islands. The king of Portugal seems to have
thought, that if a short way to those islands were
found by Spain, the temptation would be irresistible ;
a speculation in which he was perhaps not far wrong.
These difficulties having at last been overcome,
Gomez was, towards the end of the year 1524, pro-
vided with a small caravel of fifty tons burden, fitted
out partly at the expense of the king, partly at that of
some merchants. Provision was made with regard to
the possible profits of the enterprise ; any trespass on
the king of Portugal's dominions was forbidden ; and
some other arrangements being made, Gomez then
started. He intended to conduct his search not from
south to north, as the Spaniards in Central America
had been obliged to do ; but from north to south.
Where he began it, is not certain. According to
Oviedo's extracts from an official report on this voy-
age, Gomez stated that he had made extensive
explorations in latitudes 41° and 40°, had become
acquainted with the nature of the country, and held
intercourse with the natives. Of these he kidnapped
as many as his ship would hold ; considering them
as a good prize, on account of their fine stature.
Other navigators had done so before him ; and the
Spaniards at home seem by tliat time to have been so
well acquainted with the general appearance of the
Indians, that they were able to give an opinion on the
comparatively fine proportions of those whom Gomez

INTRODUCTION. XCl

brought. The chroniclers say that Gomez acted
against the emperor's orders. But that monarch
seems not to have been very indignant ; and the
chroniclers cannot refrain from telling, as a very
ludicrous affair, a mistake to which this human
cargo gave rise. It was reported that Gomez had
brought clavos (cloves) ; that is to say, he had reached
the Spice Islands by a north-west passage, whilst he
had only brought esclavos (slaves). Gomez spoke
with much enthusiasm of the country which he had
visited ; and seems to have been fully alive to its
natural beauties. Continuing his southern course,
he at last reached the West Indies ; and thence he
sailed home, arriving in Spain ten months after he
had left it.

Gomez drew, as we have mentioned, an outline of
the coast which he had explored. This outline has
been preserved ; but not in its original shape. It has
been embodied into the celebrated planisphere of
Juan Ribero, geographer to Charles V. This memo-
rable work was composed shortly after the congress
of Badajoz, to which we have referred, and of which
Ribero was a member. There the most illustrious
geographers of Spain and Portugal met, to settle the
disputes between the two countries that had arisen
out of Pope Alexander's famous grant. The outline
of America was there fixed for the first time, from
the discoveries of both nations. Ribero's chart, which
was composed in 1529, (five years after the congress),
is not, however, entirely based on materials obtained
there ; but embraces some more recent discoveries ;

XCll INTRODUCTION.

such as those of Estevan Gomez. The tract of coast
which now belongs to the states of Maryland, New
Jersey, New York, and Rhode Island, is on Ribero's
chart called the land of Estevan Gomez. But the chart
does not do full justice to the Portuguese pilot. We
learn from the above-mentioned report, that Gomez
very correctly placed his discoveries under 40" and
41° N. This is fully borne out by the localities., the
discovery of which, Ribcro ascribes to him ; but the
latitudes in which Ribero places them, are erroneous
by several degrees. This fault therefore belongs
entirely to Ribero, and in no way to Gomez. The
geographer who had to collect and arrange many
discordant data, seems to have been influenced by a
feeling similar to that of Peter Martyr ; and to have
sacrificed the Portuguese pilot to some other ex-
plorers of less accuracy, but better repute. It is to
be hoped that, in dealing thus unfairly with Gomez,
Ribero has confined himself to placing the coast-line
two degrees two high, without otherwise altering it.
But for aught we know to the contrary, he may have
introduced other alterations, to produce the harmony
lequired in a general map.

Under these circumstances, it becomes extremely
diflficult to answer the question which presents itself
so naturally to our minds : Did Gomez explore the
mouth of Hudson's river X Even the most reliable maps
of those days, will give no answer to minute historical
questions. We cannot obtain certainties from them,
and must be satisfied with probabilities. As far as these
])robabilitics go, we must state it as our conviction,

INTRODUCTION. XCUl

that Gomez did explore the mouths of the Hudson.
He has drawn several rivers, and one of them, with
some islands in its wide mouth, is so placed as to
correspond with the Hudson. This conviction is
shared by Sprengel, the learned German geographer,
whose commentary on Ribero's chart has proved of
great assistance in this inquiry. " The great river"
says Sprengcl, " in the neighbourhood of the cape De
Muclias Islas, seems to be Hudson's river". It was, be-
sides, Gomez's object to search closely along the whole
shore, for an opening that might lead to the west ;
and during the ten months of his voyage, he had
ample time to become acquainted, in all its parts, with
the easily accessible, and not very extensive, line of
coast along which his explorations lay. But whether
Gomez did, or did not, enter Hudson's river, it is cer-
tain that the later Spanish seamen who followed in
his track in after years, were familiar with the river,
and called it Rio de Gamas ; as we shall presently
have occasion to observe.

To conclude our observations on Gomez's voyage
we must answer another question which also presents
itself very naturally to the mind. Verazzano and
Gomez went within a few months of each other over
precisely the same ground. Did any connection
exist between the two voyages ] As far as the mere
time goes, this would be very probable ; because
Gomez started several months after Verazzano's re-
turn. But all the other circumstances exclude the
supposition. France and Spain were at war, and no
friendly communication can therefore be supposed to

XCIV INTRODUCTION.

have existed between them. Besides, had Gomez
known that Verazzano liad searched those same parts
in vain, he would not have been so unwise as to
expose himself to the sneers which he incurred by
his failure.

Gomez's voyage is the last one in search of a pas-
sage undertaken on the eastern side of America by
any other nation than the English. The two con-
cluding voyages of the first epoch, and all those of
later times, were performed by the English alone.

In the years 1523 to 1527 there seems to have
been a general stir in this north-westerly direction.
We have spoken of Verazzano, of the rumours that
assailed Charles V, of Cortez's plans, of Gomez'
voyage, and we shall have still further to notice some
other movements of the Spaniards. The English, the
nation whose ships had first through storm and ice
sought for a passage, were not slow in following
this general impulse. Two different symptoms show
themselves in the same year 1527. The first is a
letter and a discourse which Robert Thorne, the son
of one of Cabot's early companions, addressed to
Henry VIII, trying to persuade him to engage again
in the search for a short northern route to China.
Thorne has the merit of having started an entirely
new scheme, which has been acted upon only by a
few bold mariners, among whom was Henry Hudson,
— namely, that of sailing right across the North Pole.
This ingenious plan, and the arguments by which
Thome supports his theories, render his discourse a
highly curious document.

INTRODUCTION. XCV

At the very time when this letter was written,
Henry VIII was ah'eady interested in a north-west-
ern expedition. Two vessels, the Samson and Mary of
Guildford^ had been fitted out at the joint expense of
the king and some private persons. These vessels
sailed in May, 1527. They accomplished nothing,
and one of them was probably lost. A remarkable
circumstance is connected with the expedition. Ve-

razzano seems to have been their pilot, and to have
lost his life in an encounter with the North American
Indians.

The last expedition of the first epoch happened
nearly ten years afterwards, in 1536. It is very
characteristically English. When the search for a
passage had been given up by every one else, a
lawyer, who had dabbled in cosmography, one Master
Hore, took it up ; and persuaded a number of young
gentlemen of good family, most of them members of
the inns of court, to join him in a north-western
voyage. The consequences of this freak were even
more distressing than might naturally have been ex-
pected. The ship's company were reduced to the ex-
tremes of famine, and several persons among them went
so far as to assassinate their companions, and then to
commit some of the very few acts of cannibalism that
have ever been proved against Europeans. The voyagers
then escaped certain death by a daring act of piracy,
from the consequences of which these well- connected
gentlemen were afterwards protected by the king's
munificent benevolence. Thus ends the first epoch
of the search for a north-west passage. Forty years
elapsed before the undertaking was resumed.

XCVl INTRODUCTION.

Before we enter upon that second epoch, we mnst
first speak of some collateral events that occurred in
the interval of forty years, and most of which are
bearing upon the later efforts in search of a passage,
whilst all of them exercised a more or less direct in-
fluence on Hudson's doings.

The Portuguese, the French, and the Spaniards,
the three nations that had followed in the track of
Cabot and of his English companions, and had thus
arrived at the northern shores of America in search
of a passage to Asia, did not by any means abandon
the newly explored regions when they gave up the
first purpose by which they had been led towards
them. Each of the three nations continued in its
own manner the traffic and the explorations which it
had begun.

The Portuguese continued their surveys of the
northern coasts ; most likely for no other purpose
than to discover advantageous fisheries. They seem
to have advanced slowly, step by step, first along the
shores of Newfoundland, then up to the mouth of
Hudson's Strait, then through that Strait ; and at
last into Hudson's Bay. With a certain number of
ancient maps, ranging from 1529 to 1570 before us,
we can trace this progress step by step. In 1544,
the Portuguese seem not yet to have reached the
mouth of Hudson's Strait ; in 1558, their geo-
graphical knowledge extends beyond the mouth of
the Strait; and in 1570, they have reached the Bay.
Our authorities for all this, are ancient geographical
delineations, a source which is sometimes deceptive

INTRODUCTION. XCVII

when used as historical evidence. A map or chart,
the lines of which agree sufficiently with the real
shape of the parts laid down in it, is, of course, the
best possible proof of those coasts having been
discovered before the chart was drawn. But when,
on the other hand, we conclude from the silence of
even an excellent map, that any part not drawn, or
badly drawn on it had not yet been discovered, we
may be led entirely wrong. Much geographical
intelligence was in those days purposely kept secret,
and many discoveries may also, by chance, have
escaped the attention of the very geographer whose
w^orks we may be using. This is indeed so natural,
that it occurs quite commonly at the present day.
None, perhaps, of our own delineations of distant
parts, are entirely based upon the very best surveys
that might have been made use of. With regard to
the sixteenth century, it is certain that even illus-
trious geographers sometimes overlooked the dis-
covery of wide regions, the surveys of which were in
their reach. We can, therefore, state with the
greatest certainty, that Hudson's Bay had been dis-
covered before the publication of Ortelius's atlas,
which took place in 1570 ; but we are not equally
certain that the discovery falls within the years 1558
to 1570, because we have only the negative evidence
of Diogo Homem's charts to support the latter asser-
tion. The fact itself is, however, probable enough.

We must take this opportunity of adverting to a
singular historical misconception, which is to be found

XCVIU INTRODUCTION.

ill some of the most current and most respectable
hand-books of general information ; and which may
be traced back to the ill-directed efforts of an ingeni-
ous mind. It is stated in Brockhaus' Conversations
Lexicon, and copied into many of the cyclopaedias
which place implicit trust in the integrity of that
standard work, that Hudson's Bay was discovered by
a Dane, named Anskoeld. Now this Dane Anskoeld
is a myth, the origin of wdiich may be traced in the
following manner. A Polish pilot, named Johannes
Kolnus, or John of Kolno, was sent in 1476 by the
kins: of Denmark and Norway on a north-western ex-
pedition, to a country which Kolnus called Grocland,
and which most likely was Groneland, that is to say,
Greenland. Kolnus led out a number of emigrants,
Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, probably to restore
the settlements in Greenland, to the entire or partial
destruction of which, at the end of the fourteenth and
in the beginning of the fifteenth century, various ad-
verse circumstances had cooperated. The name of
Johannes Kolnus, as well as the achievements of this
Polish worthy, have been singularly disfigured by the
geographers of the sixteenth century. Some make his
Grocland into the most western of all tlie many Green-
lands ; and as such it figures on Ortelius' map of the
world, where it forms an island in latitude 80° north
of Labrador. Sir Humphrey Gilbert places the dis-
coveries ftirthcr south. The name is most frequently
spelled Scolvus ; sometimes Scohnus. From this
latter shape of the name, and from Sir Humphrey's
account of the discoveries, tlic Dane Anskoeld of the

INTRODUCTION. XCIX

Conversations Lexicon and his discovery of Hudson's
Bay had been framed.

The north-westerly voyages of the Spaniards during
the interval of forty years, are more momentous even
than those of the Portuguese. The Spaniards followed
up the idea, indicated by Cortez in 1524, of search-
ing for a passage through America ; not from east to
west, but from west to east. For that purpose they
sent out a whole series of expeditions, none of which,
however, reached the high latitude where the north-
west passage opens into the Pacific. The Spanish
expeditions were thus, like the similar undertakings
of other nations, failures as regards their main object.
Important results, however, especially surveys of the
western coasts up to 45°, were obtained by means of
these voyages. On the eastern coast no more voy-
ages in search of a passage were undertaken after the
unsuccessful one of Estevan Gomez. Yet this ex-
pedition was not allowed to remain without a result.
The voyage of Estevan Gomez produced in Spain
the same effect which those of the Cabots, of Cor-
tereal, and of the men from Normandy and Brittany
had produced in England, Portugal, and France —
it conducted the Spaniards to the north-western
fisheries. This, at least, is the conclusion which
the accurate Navarrete draws from a stock of con-
temporary evidence. The Spaniards now began to
take a large share in this traffic, and to repair regu-
larly to the shoals and sandbanks off Baccalaos. These
new places of resort were at a moderate distance
from their own American colonies. It is therefore

C INTRODUCTION.

but natural to imagine that the Spaniards some-
times included both points in the same voyage. Ac-
cording to the custom of that age they did not then
sail boldly over the broad ocean, but went timidly
along the coast. It was in those days one of the
principal studies of geographers to point out con-
venient stages, stations, and tracks for such sail-
ing. This is the main purpose of the so called Riit-
ters or routiers, regular guide books, which showed the
distances from place to place, marked the convenient
stations, described the entrances to rivers and har-
bours. Many of these guide books are still in exist-
ence ; and we learn from them that the Rio de Gamas,
the name then regularly applied to the Hudson on the
charts of the time, was one of these stages between
Newfoundland and the colonies of central America.
Nantucket Island also figures in some of these rutters
under the name of the "Island of Juan Luis," or " Juan
Fernandez," and is recommended as a most convenient
stage for those who, coming from Europe, wish to
proceed to the West Indies by way of the Ber-
mudas.

The French were yet more active than the Portu-
guese and Spaniards. They pursued their fishing
trade with such energy, that the Newfoundland
fisheries, which had always been and still were com-
mon ground for the whole civilized world, seemed to
belong more specially to them. Most of the banks
and stations received French names. The discovery
of these regions, which was not then claimed by
England on account of the voyages of the Cabots,

INTRODUCTION. CI

was attributed entirely to the French. In the begin-
ning of the seventeenth century that nation was
loudly praised for its generosity in having allowed
others to share in the Newfoundland fisheries.

Even more remarkable, and conferring much higher
honour on the French name, are the North American
explorations they made during this period, and their
attempts to colonize that vast region. Up to the
time of Jaques Cartier, America had been visited
and explored only by navigators who considered it
as a barrier between Asia and Europe which they
wished to force, or by greedy adventurers attracted
by its riches. It is with the French that the idea
arose of colonizing the fertile wilderness of the north-
west without violence to its original inhabitants and
owners. To our regret it does not belong to our
province to dwell on these efforts. But it is only
just to remark, that Cartier, Roberval, Coligny, and
the men he sent out to prepare a home for his perse-
cuted brethren, were, in liberality of ideas and in
elevation of purpose, more than a century ahead of
their contemporaries ; and that France may here well
claim a title to which she has often pretended with
much less right, namely, that of a pioneer in civiliza-
tion.

In England the influence of the new discoveries,
and of the consequent changes in the roads of trade,
developed itself with remarkable slowness. Fifty
years after the first transatlantic voyages no one
would have imagined that this island would be
the principal heir to the power and the riches

Cll INTRODUCTION.

which then crowned Europe with an entirely new
glory, very different from the gloom of the preceding
centuries. The prosperity, the freedom, and the self-
reliance of the kingdom went on, however, steadily
increasing. Then there came a time when those
recent changes in the commerce of the world made
themselves felt in a disastrous manner. Most of the
English trade had always been in the hands of Ger-
mans and Italians, the former of whom enjoyed
exorbitant privileges, granted them at a period when
it was politic to attract them to this country at any
price. These privileges were still more extravagantly
interpreted by them. The foreigners were insolent
and proud. Yet all this was long borne as a neces-
sary evil. But the new discoveries made the power
both of the Hanse and of Italy decline. The Medi-
terranean, the German Ocean, the Baltic, were no
longer the seas of Europe, and with the transatlantic
commerce rose the power of Spain, Portugal, and of
the only one of the older commercial nations that
maintained and even increased its medieval pro-
sperity, namely, the Netherlands. Thus it happened
that the advantages afforded to England by its con-
nexion with the Hanse were no longer adequate to
the sacrifices made for their sake. The English staple
articles often remained unsold, or at least did not rise
in value in due proportion to the general rise of
prices. English shipowners now began to feel that
they themselves could do better what the foreigners
did so badly, and it required but an opportunity to
shake off the liated yoke. The opportunity was offered

INTRODUCTION. Clll

to the nation by the return of Sebastian Cabot to this
country in 1548. He had been for many years in the
service of Charles V, as pilot-major of Spain, and had
there, as elsewhere, met with the ingratitude which
seems to be the eternal portion of the exile who
bestows benefits on the country he makes his tem-
porary home.

His successful efforts to shake off the yoke of the
Hanse Towns, and to rescue EngUsh commerce, form
part of the history of the search for a north-east pas-
sage. To that history a separate place in the present
introduction has been assigned. AVe have here
noticed these movements on account of their vast
influence towards the renewing of the search for a
north-west passage, and on the manner in wdiich it
was conducted.

The events we have alluded to seem to have so
well prepared the minds for a resumption of the
search for a north-west passage, that it is impossible to
ascertain with whom the idea first arose. Three men,
Frobisher, Gilbert, and Willes, entertained it simul-
taneously. They had each been led to it by a course
of similar reflections, based on all the events we have
narrated ; and it does not appear that these three men
had held any communication before each of them
had matured the scheme. They were all encouraged
by the experience in arctic navigation to which the
search for a north-east passage and the establish-
ment and operations of the Moscovia Company had
led. They vvere all acquainted with the geographical
labours of the age, based, as far as North America is

CIV INTRODUCTION.

concerned, on the explorations of the Cabots, of the
Spaniards, the Portuguese, and the French.

Three diiFerent illusions seem besides to have ex-
ercised on their minds a much greater influence than
all the truth that had come to light during the inter-
val of forty years. The first illusion was based on a map
of Clement Adams, an inaccurate copy of Sebastian
Cabot's great planisphere; which copy, however, as far
as its geographical information went, seems to have
been generally considered as representing Sebastian
Cabot's own work. We shall have to speak of this re-
markable map. For the present it is sufficient to ob-
serve, that Sebastian Cabot is there made to indicate a
passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, beginning in
Hudson's Strait ; then leading off for a short space
through about the same latitude; but soon verging to
the south, so as to reach the Pacific in about 40° north.
The second and the third delusions were of a similar
nature. It seems to have been agreed among map
makers that America must be an island ; that it
could not possibly stretch across the pole, so as to
join Asia ; and that, therefore, a north-west passage
must exist somewhere. This vague idea is expressed,
on all the delineations of the globe produced in those
days, in that positive form which maps necessarily
assume. There is even a certain similarity in the
outline and position assigned by various maps to the
north-west passage ; and, what is most singular, these
random guesses are not so far wrong as might have
been expected. The third illusion is very charac-
teristic of the age. The Roman Catholic and the

INTRODUCTION. CV

Protestant powers watched each other with the most
anxious jealousy. The same jealousy prevailed be-
tween the different commercial nations as such. All
were eager to find a short way to India. Each of them
was aware that the others had searched for it, and they
would not believe in each other's ill success. It is thus
that rumours sprang up of ships having actually sailed
through the north-west passage. The southern nations
attributed the feat to the northern, the northern to
the southern nations. We find, a few years later,
a celebrated Spanish writer asserting that " the great
pirate, Drake," had accomplished the feat. Much
more eff'ect, however, had a story told by a clever
w^ag, a friar named Urdaneta, who described in full
detail a voyage through the north-western strait per-
formed by himself in 1568. He has been rewarded
for his impudent audacity with the honours of im-
mortal fame. Not satisfied with these traps laid
for him, Gilbert, in his blind eagerness, misinter-
preted the lessons of history, and attributed a voy-
age in search of a north-west passage to " Scol-
mus the Dane." It would lead us too far were we
to indulge any longer in an analysis of the specu-
lations which led to the resumption of the great
search. We refer the reader to Hakluyt's Collec-
tion, where he will find the treatises of Willes and
Gilbert, with other similar materials, and especially
the voyages of Martin Frobisher.

It is difficult to speak of these voyages with perfect
fairness. Their importance consists much more in the
impulse they gave than in what they accomplished.

CVl INTRODUCTION.

This has been so well understood by the writers on
this topic, that the originality of Martin Frobisher's
ideas has been very greatly exaggerated. It was for a
long time a fashion to overlook the whole first period
of the search for a north-west passage, especially to
estimate as low as possible the deserts of John and
Sebastian Cabot, and thus to enhance those of Frobisher.
The documents which recent researches have brought
to light remove for ever this unfair judgment. But
we must not at the same time conclude, that the
name of Martin Frobisher has to be wiped out from
the list of great navigators. The practical renewal
of the search for a passage is no ordinary merit. We
must also remember that Frobisher had many dis-
advantages to overcome before he obtained, by the
most unwearied industry and the most ardent con-
viction, the patronage which he afterwards enjoyed.
It is a matter of serious congratulation, that he suc-
ceeded in bringing all the most eminent interest in
the country, political and aristocratic, scientific and
commercial, to bear on this enterprise, which thus
first received its truly national character. Willes,
Gilbert, Stephen Borrough (the celebrated arctic
navigator) ; Dr. John Dee, the ofiicial adviser of the
Muscovy Company ; Richard Ilakluyt, of the Middle
Temple, the cousin of the historian, Lok, and other
special men, assisted Frobisher with geographical in-
formation. The queen herself, and still more the Earl
and the Countess of Warwick, took a lively interest in
the enterprise. Commercial men provided the funds.
Gentlemen wore eager to join the adventure. In none

INTRODUCTION. CVll

of his three expeditions had Frobisher less than three
vessels, and in 1571 he had fifteen under his orders.
This great, perhaps too great, favour, must be consi-
dered as almost a disadvantage for Frobisher person-
ally, though a great advantage for the popularity of his
scheme. The vast responsibility, the many eyes that
watched his movements, made him more cautious
than was desirable for his fame. In arctic explora-
tions at least, much more has been effected by modest
than by grand undertakings, by single small vessels
than by large fleets.

Frobisher sailed three times to the north-west, in
1576, 1577, and 1578. In 1576 he steered straight
across the Atlantic till he came in sight of Green-
land. He then passed along the southern and south-
western shores of that continent, and again sailing
westward, he reached the coast of Labrador. Here
he sought for the strait which his charts indicated,
and which he at last believed that he had found in
63° 8'. The charts of those regions are still so imper-
fect, that it is difficult to follow him much further. It
seems, however, that he entered an inlet or a strait,
proceeded up it for sixty leagues without being land-
locked, but at last found himself arrested by ice. It is
likely that he soon comprehended, what every intelli-
gent arctic navigator must have felt, namely, that the
passage, even should it be found, would prove useless
to commerce. Little value was in those days attached
to mere geographical discoveries. After the promises
he had made, and the hopes he had raised, this con-
viction must have been very painful for Frobisher.

CVIU INTRODUCTION.

He was therefore very happy to be able to direct his
attention to other objects ; the taking possession of
those barren regions, the collecting of curiosities.
Among them he brought home a stone, glittering like
gold, in which greedy eyes, deceived by the love of
lucre, believed they saw the promise of rich treasures.
The gathering of this ore, which, after all, proved per-
fectly worthless, was the only object, and almost the
only result of his two last voyages. In 1578 he seems,
however, by chance to have entered Hudson's Strait;
"but anxious, in obedience to his instructions, to bring
home as much ore as he could, he postponed the
search for a passage, and has consequently incurred
the blame of writers who looked on these matters from
the point of view of the nineteenth century. Fro-
bisher's own contemporaries considered him as a de-
serving man, and his companions were most truly
attached to him.

These voyages were singularly unfortunate in con-
firming prevailing geographical mistakes, as we shall
have to notice. They also added their own new store
of error in different ways. The situation of the country
discovered by Frobisher, and that of his strait, were
so imperfectly indicated by those who described the
voyages, that geographers became perfectly bewil-
dered. In the chart which Hudson used, Frobisher's
Strait lies across Greenland, not in America. These
singular doubts have exercised their influence even up
to the present day ; as for example, upon Karl von
Spruner, the author of t\\o Historical Atlas. They liave,
however, no foundation in fact ; and the real locality

INTRODUCTION. CIX

of Frobisher's Strait is certainly where modern maps
place it. Another mistake, which caused Hudson
some useless pains, is due, in the first instance, to one
of Frobisher's ships, that sailed home by itself, the
Biisse of Bridgeivater. An immense ice field seems to
have floated out of Davis' Strait down to latitude bT.
The excited fancy of a passenger on board the vessel
mistook it for an island, and the island soon found
its place on maps and charts, under the name of
Busse Island. Hudson searched for it with little
success, as may be imagined. The small hurt these
mistakes could do was, however, entirely outbalanced
by the beneficial influence of the correct informa-
tion Frobisher brought home. It was now certain,
that between 62° and 63", on the eastern side of
North America, a wide entrance existed, navigable
for hundreds of miles. True, that passage was some-
times blocked up by ice. But this had not yet been
ascertained to be its almost permanent state. A still
broader and more navigable entrance had been found
between 60° and 62\ Some of Frobisher's com-
panions even recognized the great fact, that the re-
puted mainland of Labrador, between 61° and 63°,
was merely a mass of islands, separated by channels,
some broad, some narrow, which led to unknown
seas in the west. This information was more than
sufficient to raise the most lively hopes of a through
passage, and the most ardent aspirations towards its
discovery, especially in an age that may well be said
to have given birth to the buoyancy and elasticity of
spirit by which the English nation has since become
so great.

ex INTRODUCTION.

The required expenditure, vast for the times, alone
prevented the track from being followed up at once.
Frobisher himself made efforts to obtain the necessary
means, and was nearly successful, owing especially
to the interest which the great Francis Drake took
in the enterprise. This admirable seaman offered to
tax to the utmost his already shaken credit, and to
raise a thousand pounds for the expedition. More
than five thousand were expected from various other
noblemen and gentlemen, of which three thousand
from the famous Earl of Leicester. But the enter-
prise came to nought, because it had been projected
on too large a scale. It is mentioned for the last
time in 1581.

Equally without result were, as it seems, the en-
deavours of Adrian Gylbert, to whom letters-patent
for the search of a north-west passage were granted
in February 1583. He does not appear to have
started for his destination.

It was reserved for John Davis, one of the greatest
of navigators, to follow up and develope the vague
indications of Frobisher. Master John Davis sailed
from Dartmouth the 7th of June, 1585, with two
small vessels, the SunsJimc, of fifty tons, the Jloonshine^
of thirty -five. His course was north-west. He ex-
pected to find no land before he reached America.
But to his surprise he struck the south-eastern coast
of Greenland, between 60° and 61°, the 20th of July.
We shall have occasion to dwell on the singular mis-
conceptions which prevailed at the time with regard
to that great arctic continent. These misconceptions,

INTRODUCTION. CXI

the growth of centuries, formed a curious mixture of
truth and error; and Frobisher had lately contributed
to them his own large share of mistakes. Davis was
justified in thinking that the land he had fallen in with
had been hitherto unknown, and w^as his own new dis-
covery. After a short hesitation on the south-eastern
side of Greenland, he rounded the southern point on
the 23rd of July, and then sailed for two more days
up along the south-western coast. To these southern
parts of Greenland he gave the graphic name of
Desolation, a name now attached to a small portion
only of those shores. On the 25th he left the newly
discovered country, and steered his former course to
the north-west, thus unconsciously following the bend
of the Greenland coast, which he had lost sight of.
After four days sail, the 29th of July he was again
in sight of land, under 64° 15'. His course had
brought him to the jutting point which forms the
northern boundary of Gilbert's Sound. That is now
the least unknown portion of Greenland. Gilbert's
Sound is a large and fair bay, enclosing many islands,
and here among the snow and ice of the high north
some sunny nook may greet the eye of the weary sailor.
The Danish settlement of Godhab, and the Moravian
colony of Nye Hernhut, are situated in these parts.
They have been visited by several recent navigators,
especially by Captain M'Clintock, and their names
are now familiar to the ear. Here Davis held inter-
course with the Esquimaux, and it is delightful to read
how he employed the sweet medium of music to gain
their friendship. Davis left Gilbert's Sound the 1st

CXU INTRODUCTION.

of August, having tarried two days. He again steered
his former course to the north-west, and thus crossed
for the first time the strait that now bears his name.
Only five days sail brought him to the American
side, which he reached in latitude 66° 40' the 6th of
August. He had arrived in the neighbourhood of
that remarkable promontory, by him named Cape
Walsingham, where the American coast makes so
sudden a turn to the north-west. Not finding an
inlet by which he might follow a western course and
reach the Pacific, he coasted on the American
side southward, in quest, probably, of Frobisher's
Strait, which he must have expected to find in lati-
tude 63° 8', three degrees and a half further south.
But before he reached that inlet he fell in with
another more northern opening, named by him Cum-
berland Strait, and which seemed to off'er a good
chance of a passage. He arrived at the mouth of
that strait the 11th of August, and having explored
it for six days, he met with a cluster of islands, "with
many fair sounds between," and concluded by an
admirable course of reasoning that the strait does
lead to the Pacific. His opinion has not yet been
disproved, and further exploration may show it to
have been correct. The charts of those regions are
still in the highest degree unsatisfactory. We know
as little as the first discoverers did, whether Fro-
bisher's and Cumberland's Straits do or do not com-
municate with the more western waters. In bare
justice to those great men, the information which
intelligent whalers must have gained in that long

INTRODUCTION. CXUl

interval might be collected and inserted in the Admi-
ralty charts. After so much has been done for the
higher regions, something might be done for the
west of Davis' Strait, and for the channels that lead
into it. " There are many intelligent whaling cap-
tains," says Captain M'Clintock, " who possess much
valuable knowledge of these lands and seas ; and
even in the terra incognita of Frobisher's Straits
whalers have wintered, whilst our charts scarcely
afford even a vague idea of the configuration of these
extensive islands. . . A surveying vessel would be
usefully employed for a couple of summers in tracing
the general outline of these possessions of Her Ma-
jesty." Davis sailed homewards the 24th of August.
He brought his two frail barks safely home the 30th
of September, 1585.

Davis sailed again the 7th of May, 1586. He had
with him four vessels, the Sunshine and Moonshine^
which he had the year before ; the Meermaid^ a vessel
of a hundred tons ; and the North Star, a pinnace of
ten tons burden. The 7th of May he was south of
Iceland in 60°, and despatched the Sunshine and
North Star to search between Greenland and Iceland.
He himself proceeded westward with the 3Iecrmaid
and Moonshine, and reached the south of Greenland
the 15th of June. But he had arrived too early in
the season. A huge mass of ice encumbered the
Greenland shore. To round it he had to stand out
of the strait, and to sail as far south as 57°. The
ice, at present also, often forms regular fields and
packs out of Davis' Strait, such as he encountered in

CXIV INTRODUCTION.

the beginning, and the Busse, of Bridgewater, met
with at the end of summer, in latitude 57°. Having
rounded the pack, Davis reached Gilbert's Sound the
29th of June. Stormy weather, and the wish to be-
come thoroughly acquainted with the country, de-
tained him till the middle of the month of July. The
17th we meet him again at sea, not far from Gil-
bert's Sound, but a little to the south, in 63° 8'.
Davis had now to encounter a new and a fiercer
struggle with the pack. A fortnight's sail carried
him only a few degrees farther north and a very
small distance farther west. Many of the sailors in
his larger vessel had probably never seen the arctic
regions before. Their courage fell, and at last Davis
met with that obstacle, worse than storm and ice, a
mutiny among his crew. Subdued by his imposing
presence, his sailors did not break out into the ex-
cesses which troubled Weymouth and cost Hudson
his life ; but they represented in earnest language
that " he might not, through his over-boldness, leave
their widows and little children to give him bitter
curses." He obeyed, and after little more than one
day's south-eastern sail he reached land on the Green-
land shore, in latitude 66° 33', the 1st of August.
He was now constrained to send the Meermaid home,
the crew being unwilling to encounter any longer
the dangers of navigation among the ice, which are
appalling enough even for those who have spent
many years in those regions, and whose vessels are
specially fitted for this dangerous navigation by every
contrivance that ingenuity can invent. But Davis

INTRODUCTION. CXV

was not shaken in his purpose. He now entrusted
himself to the Moonshine^ more a fishing smack than
a ship. A few days were spent in preparing her for
her arduous task, and the 5th she started by herself.
She crossed the strait in nearly a due westerly direc-
tion. The 14th of August she was near Cape AVal-
singham, in latitude ^^° 19', on the American side.
It was too late for anything more than a summary
search along the coast. The rest of the month,
and the first days of September, were spent in that
search. Besides the already known openings, namely,
Cumberland Strait, Frobisher's Strait, and Hudson's
Strait, two more openings were found, Davis Inlet in
56°, and Ivudoke Inlet in 54° 30'. Davis now had to
cross the Atlantic in his miserable craft, and he per-
formed the voyage through the equinoctial gales in
little more than three weeks. He reached England
again in the beginning of October, 1586.

The 19th of June, 1587, Davis began his third
north-western voyage with three vessels, one of which
was the Sunshine^ always his faithful companion. He
had besides brought out, in frame, a pinnace, intended
for exploration in shallow water. After he had
reached Gilbert's Sound, the 16th of June, he was
about to set up the pinnace, when the Esquimaux
of the neighbourhood, seeing the many fine pieces
of iron which were used as nails and spikes, could
not resist the temptation of tearing the whole fabric
to pieces to obtain those treasures. This singular
race exhibited from the very first the same cha-
racteristics which have now become so familiar to

CXVl INTRODUCTION.

arctic explorers. The cheerfulness and good nature
of the Esquimaux are praised by those who first came
in contact with them, and some of these early mari-
ners put these qualities in contrast with the fierceness
and the gloom of the Indian warriors. Still such
depredations as those here noted too often occur,
proving that low standard of morality which belongs
to the savage. These occurrences, and the partial
restoration of the pinnace, delayed Davis till the 21st
of June. From that day to the 30th of the same
month he sailed to the north along the Greenland
shore, and arrived on the 30th of June, 1587, in lati-
tude 72° 12', nearly four degrees farther north than
any one had been before him in that sea. He
found to the north " no ice, but a great sea, free,
large, very salt and very blue," and " it seemed most
manifest that the passage was free and without im-
pediment toward the north." Northern gales and
the wish to proceed to the west prevented his sailing
farther in this northern direction, or he would have
forestalled some of his most distinguished follow-
ers. BaflEin's Bay would now bear the name of John
Davis. A few days before, when he was ofi" the Green-
land coast in latitude 67°, he believed that he saw the
American shore. But he was evidently deceived. The
distance is two hundred miles, and the feat is impos-
sible. None of the phenomena of the arctic regions
can render it likely. What Davis really saw was
the almost solid ice field, witli which he had soon to
engage in a most desperate struggle. He never
reached the latitude of 67° on the American side, and

INTRODUCTION. CXVII

was therefore unable to correct his mistake. To this
mistake Davis' Strait probably owes its name — a name
singularly inappropriate for a passage of such im-
mense width. Davis now tried to sail westward with-
out giving up the high latitude he had reached. But
this proved impossible. He met with the eternal
enemy of arctic exploration, the ice. In spite of this
obstacle he advanced, on the 1st of July, forty four
miles in nearly a western direction, deflecting but
slightly to the south. But he was obliged to give up
that advantage. Westerly and north-westerly winds
drove the ice straight against him. He had to retreat
to the Greenland coast. The 13th of July he was
in about the same place as he had been sixteen or
seventeen days before, in latitude 67° 50 , off" Green-
land. Now he found the sea sufficiently open to
proceed at least in a south-westerly direction. He
crossed the strait in five days, from the 14th to the
17th of July. On the 17tli he was off" the American
shore, in latitude 65° 30'. Remaining in that neigh-
bourhood he reached, the 19th, Mount Raleigh, the
20th, the mouth of Cumberland Strait. From the
20th to the 23rd he explored Cumberland Strait,
hoping to find there the passage. But he met with
a solid barrier of ice, and had to return. This voyage
out of the strait w^as partly impeded by calms, and re-
quired six more days, to the 29th of July. They now
sailed to the south, along the American side of Davis'
Strait, and passed the 30th across the mouth of Fro-
bisher's Strait, the 31st of July and the 1st of August
across the mouth of tludson's Strait. " Which inlet

CXVni INTRODUCTION.

or gulfe this afternoone (31st) and in the night (31st
• — 1st of August) we passed over, where, to our great
admiration, we saw the sea falling down into the
gulfe with a mighty overfall and roaring, and with
divers circular motions like whirlpools, in such sort
as forcible streams pass through the arches of
bridges." His further progress down to 52° 40' offers
no new geographical interest. Davis reached home
the 15th of September, 1587.

After his return he expressed the liveliest hope of
finding a passage to the north, beyond the latitude of
73°. But the attack of the Armada in 1588, and the
death of Walsingham, which occurred soon after-
wards, deprived him of the opportunity to follow up
his discoveries.

Davis' journals are the only ones of all those left
by early north-western explorers, where, with a little
attention, every point can be clearly made out. Had
they, like the confused descriptions of Frobisher's
voyages, been published immediately after the navi-
gator's return, he would soon have found a successor.
They appeared in print in 1599, and in 1601 George
Weymouth offered to the East India Company to
undertake for them a north-western expedition. So
confident was he of success, that in case of failure he
waived all claim to pay or remuneration.

Weymouth sailed the 2nd of May, 1602. He
reached the south of Greenland the 18th of June,
crossed Davis' Strait in a westerly and north-westerly
direction, and arrived the 28th off the American
shore, in latitude 63° 53'. Weymouth now sailed to

INTRODUCTION. CXIX

the north, hoping to find the open water indicated
by Davis, and resolved to winter between 68' and
70' shonld it be reqnired. He had arrived in hxti-
tnde 68° 53', when a mutiny broke out among his
crew, who refused to advance any further. Wey-
mouth had committed the mistake of accepting the
companionship of a clergyman named John Cart-
wright, who possessed the reputation of being fami-
liar with geographical matters, and who gained great
influence over the crew. The presumption and
cowardice of this man have blighted Weymouth's
fame. Unable to proceed as he judged best, Wey-
mouth had to retrace his steps. The 25th of July he
arrived at Hatton's Headland, in 61° 40', the north-
ern entrance to Hudson's Bay. According to his
own words, he sailed " an hundred leagues west and
by south" into the strait. There must be either a
slight exaggeration in the distance, or the statement
as regards the course must be slightly incorrect. The
latter is, indeed, the case ; this the journal clearly
shows. But there is no reason to pass on Weymouth
the severe verdict, that he iwetends to have done a thing
which is impossible; a verdict first pronounced by Fox,
whose acquaintance with the south of Hudson's Strait
was very imperfect ; then confirmed by Sir John Bar-
row, who probably did not take the trouble to look
into a map, and then repeated by others. That Wey-
mouth really sailed a considerable distance into Hud-
son's Strait does not allow of a doubt, nor is it doubtful
that he "lighted Hudson into the strait," as Fox, with
greater justice, expresses it. Weymouth's later pro-
ceedings are not of any geographical interest.

CXX INTRODUCTION.

After Weymouth, and before Hudson, only one
more voyage in search of a north-west passage was
undertaken. It was performed by John Knight, in
1606. It led to no result whatever.

We have now to go back a period of more than
half a century, and to speak of the opening and
progress of the search for a north-east passage,
down to the time when Hudson was engaged in
the realization of this idea. We have already re-
peatedly had occasion to allude to this matter, and
especially to point out the principal circumstances
which afforded Sebastian Cabot the opportunity
again to exert himself in behalf of English com-
merce. On a former page of the present introduc-
tion we have narrated the first events in Sebastian
Cabot's life. There we left him. It will, perhaps,
be best to give in a few lines a summary of his
career, until he finally fixed his residence in England.
We have seen that he arrived in this country with
his father; that in 1497 he found North America ;
that in 1498 he began the search for a north-west
passage, and probably discovered Hudson's Strait.
From 1498 to 1512 his movements are uncertain. In
1512 he entered the Spanish service, became a mem-
ber of the Council of the Indies, and was to under-
take voyages for the Spaniards. Preparations were
made for an expedition in spring 1516. But the politi-
cal changes which took place at the time prevented it,
and Cabot again went to England. He undertook a
second voyage in search of a north-west passage, pro-
bably in 1517, and then discovered Davis' Strait, up

INTRODUCTION. CXXl

to 67° 30'. After his return Cardinal Wolsey wished
to employ him. The negociations led to nothing, and
he again returned to Spain, resuming his old dignity
and becoming in addition pilot-major. In 1523, tired
as it seems of the Spanish service, he secretly made
overtures to Venice. Though very anxious to serve
that city, which he considered as his home, insur-
mountable difficulties preveijted his doing so, and
he remained the pilot-major of Spain. In 1526 he
undertook, for the Spanish crown, an expedition to
the Moluccas ; but he only reached the La Plata
river, where he remained for five years exploring the
surrounding country. From 1531 to his final return
to England, no voyages of his are on record, nor does
he seem to have performed any during that time.
In 1548 he arrived in England. Edward VI, a
prince of great promise, who, in spite of his youth,
fully comprehended that England, to become a great
power, must have its fair portion of the world's com-
merce, very gladly received Sebastian Cabot into his
service and granted him a salary, liberal for those
days, of £166.

When Cabot, in 1522 and 1523, made overtures
to the Venetian government, it was his intention to
point out to them what he then believed to be by far
the most advantageous route to the Indies. All the
roads to India which are followed at the present day
were then considered the special properties of Spain
and Portugal ; and these two powers, the most com-
manding in Europe, had the means and the will to
defend that property. The scheme of the north-west

CXXU INTRODUCTION.

passage had probably been given up by Cabot as
hopeless, at least in a commercial point of view. But
there yet remained one chance of a short way to
eastern Asia, namely, by the north-east. Even now,
knowing, as we do, the great northern elevation
of the coast of Siberia, the shortest line across sea
that we could draw from any part of Europe to
China would pass by Nova Zembla, and would lead
us to the north-east. But those north-eastern parts
were absolutely unknown to Cabot. Misinterpreting
some passages in Pliny, Cornelius Nepos, and other
ancient writers, then the only available sources of in-
formation with regard to the north-east, Sebastian
Cabot concluded the distance from Europe to China
by that route to be much shorter than it really is.
He was, moreover, convinced that the north-eastern
seas were not only navigable, but had, in fact, been
navigated by the ancients. On these erroneous assump-
tions, he founded the plan of searching for a route to
China by the north-east. His wish thus to benefit
Venice remained, however, a jmim dcsidcrium. The
Venetian ambassador Contarini, with whom he en-
tered into negociations, plainly told him that Venice
could not venture to make opposition to the Spanish
and Portuguese commerce, because these powers
commanded the Strait of Gibraltar, and could pre-
vent both the departure and the return of the Vene-
tian vessels should they attempt any such under-
taking. Cabot, therefore, stored up the idea in his
mind. It Avas after his return to England that the
necessities of English commerce, which we have

INTRODUCTION. CXXlll

already described, offered him an opportunity of
carrying out his favourite phm : if not for Venice,
at least for a country "which he viewed Avith less
repugnance than he must have harboured towards
Spain.

The commercial association to which his scheme
gave rise, that of the Merchant Adventurers, has
passed through a most brilliant career and is still in
existence. Their earliest proceedings, and those of
the Dutch who followed them, have met with more
attention from geographical scholars than perhaps
any other similar subject has done. We jDOssess espe-
cially two excellent works, one by Dr. Von Hamel,
the other by Dr. Beke : the latter among the collections
of the Hakluyt Society. There is now hardly left room
for any new investigations. It will therefore be easy
for us to do what we shall attempt in the next few
pages, namely, to point out how the way which Hud-
son followed in his first voyages had been prepared
by his predecessors.

The first north-eastern expedition which was sent
out by the Company of Merchant Adventurers sailed
from Ratcliff, the 10th of May, 1553. It consisted
of three ships, all with equally auspicious names,
the Bona Esperanza, Bona Confidential and Edward
Bonaventure. But the names of the two first ships
were sadly to be belied. Sir Hugh Willoughby,
captain-general of the fleet, was driven with these
two ships far out to sea, and at length put into a
small haven on the coast of Lapland, near the mouth
of the river Warsina, where the entire crews of both

CXXIV INTRODUCTION.

vessels, amounting in all to seventy souls, perished
from cold and hunger.

Before meeting with his untimely end, Willoughby,
on the 14th of August, " descried land, which land
(he says in a note found written in one of the two
ships) we bore with all, hoising out our boat to dis-
cover what land it might be ; and the boat could not
come to land, the water was so shoale, where was
very much ice also, but there was no similitude of
habitations ; and this land lyeth from Seynam east
and by north 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 de-
grees. Then we plyed to the northward." Dr. Beke,
whom we have literally followed in this description
of Willoughby's voyage, goes on to show that the
land discovered by Willoughby was a part of Nova
Zembla, now called the Goose Coast. For a long
time English geographers contended that Willoughby
had discovered Spitzbergen. This most indefensible
theory has found its way into Purchas' notes to
Hudson's voyages. We shall speak of its origin in
our geographical review.

Richard Chancellor, pilot-major of Willoughby's
fleet, was far more fortunate than his hapless chief. In
the third vessel, the Edtvard Bonaventurc, commanded
by Stephen Burrough, he succeeded in entering the
Bay of St. Nicholas, since better known as the White
Sea, and on the 24th of August, 1553, reached in
safety the western mouth of the Dwina, wlicnce he
proceeded overland to the court of the Emperor of
Muscovy. The result was the foundation of the com-
mercial and political relations between England and

INTRODUCTION. CXXV

Russia, which have subsisted with but brief inter-
ruptions up to the present day.

Shortly after Chancellor liad brought his section
of Willoughby's expedition to so successful an issue,
the Company of Merchant Adventurers, by whom
the three ships had been fitted out, received a charter
of incorporation, bearing date February 6th, 1 and 2
Ph. and Mar. (1554-1555) ; and subsequently, in the
eighth year of Queen Elizabeth (1566), they obtained
an act of Parliament, in which they are styled " the
Fellowship of English Merchants for Discovery of
New Trades," a title under which they still continue
incorporated, though they are better known by the
designation of the " Muscovy" or " Russia Company."

It is not here the phice to discuss the general pro-
ceedings of the Russia Company, important though
they be, and highly deserving of being made the sub-
ject of special investigation All that we have to do
is to notice the expeditions which were undertaken
under the auspices of that company, for the purpose
of exploring the seas bounding the Russian empire
on the north, with a view to the discovery of a north-
east passage to China.

Of these expeditions, the first was that of Stephen
Burrough, who had, in 1555, been the master of
Richard Chancellor's ship, the Edward Bonaventure^
and who was, in 1556, dispatched in the pinnace
Searchthrift^ to make discovery towards the river Ob.

Dr. Beke, whom we have again literally followed
for the whole of the preceding page, now goes on to
describe in detail the voyage of the Scarchthrlft. But

CXXVl INTRODUCTION.

this expedition is of much less importance for our
subject than for his. The following summary is suf-
ficient for our purpose. Burrough left Gravesend
the 23rd of April, passed the North Cape the 23rd of
May, reached Kola the 9th of June ; and then pro-
ceeded, in company with some native boats, to explore
Nova Zcmbla. For the sake of greater clearness, it
is, perhaps, best to observe, that Nova Zembla, or
Novaya Zemlya, is a group of islands in shape of a
crescent. The crescent has on its outer (western)
side the Spitzbergen Sea, on its inner (eastern) side
the Sea of Kara, and forms the boundary between
those two seas. The southern end of the crescent
bends towards the mouth of the river Petchora. The
northern extremity points towards Cape Taimyr.
This northern extremity is in latitude 77°, and in
nearly the same longitude with the mouth of the
river Oby. The Nova Zembla group consists of four
larger and several smaller islands. The names of the
larger ones are, according to Dr. Beke's nomencla-
ture, Vaigats for the most southern,^ Novaya Zemlya
Proper for the next, Matthew's Land for the fol-
lowing, and Liitke and Barents' Land for the most
northern. These islands are separated from each
other by straits, more or less narrow. The ex-
ploration of the islands, and the discovery of the
straits between them, is the principal point of in-
terest in most of the early north-eastern voyages ;
for the Nova Zembla group forms a natural barrier

^ Dr. Bcke does not consider Vaigats as part of Nova Zembla,
but Mr, Scorosby docs.

INTRODUCTION. CXXVU

upon which the navigator must strike when he wislies
to penetrate to China by a north-easterly route, and
his first efforts must be towards the crossing of this
barrier. All the seamen of whom we have to speak
were obliged to make that attempt. The first of
them, AVilloughby, merely touched Nova Zcmbla.
Others, like Brunei and Hudson, made useless efforts
to penetrate through frozen straits and bays, and then
returned. The most successful navigators discovered
the open passages between the islands, and the bold-
est of all, WilHam Barents, sailed along the western
side of the whole group, rounded its northern point,
and wintered on the north-eastern shore. But even
those who were fortunate enough to penetrate beyond
Nova Zembla and into the Sea of Kara, made after-
wards but little progress. That sea is, by Polar cur-
rents, continually filled with close packed ice. Only
two or three ships are known to have penetrated
through it and to have reached the mouth of the
Oby. The Russians themselves, though at home in
those waters, and of notorious courage and expe-
rience in this kind of navigation, have as yet been
unable to explore the whole east coast of Nova Zembla.
Stephen Burrough's north-eastern explorations be-
gan, as we have said, the 9th of June, 1556. Nothing
memorable happened to him before the 25th of July,
when he discovered a small island between the main-
land of Russia, and Vaigats, the most southern of the
four larger Nova Zembla islands. His new discovery
was called St. James's Island. Then sailing to the
north, he found Vaigats the 31st of July. He coasted

CXXVlll INTRODUCTION.

along the western side of Vaigats, and the 3rd of
August he reached its northern point. The 4th, he
sailed through the strait betAveen Vaigats and Nova
Zerabla Proper, which is therefore called Burrough's
Strait. He had now entered the Kara Sea. But there
his success ended. He could not advance against the
ice, and had to return the 5th of August, 1556. He
arrived at Archangel the 11th of September, 1556.

A long time elapsed before the search was renewed.
The Muscovy Company had so unexpected a success
in the country they were trading with, that they
found full employment and a satisfactory reward for
their labours. Their agents also learned in Russia
that an overland route to China existed, and carefully
noted down its different stages and stations. All this
diverted their minds from the purpose for which the
company had originally been established. Still the
search for a north-east passage was not entirely given
up. In 1568 a commission was issued to three ser-
vants of the company who were then in Russia,
Bassendine, Woodcock, and Browne, to search to the
east and to the w^est of Nova Zcmbla. Nothing is
known of the success of this expedition, nor even
vs^hether it started. Twelve years elapsed before the
next expedition was undertaken of which we have
any record.

The 31st of May, 1580, Arthur Bet and Charles
Jackman, two captains in the service of the Muscovy
Company, started from Harwich, in two small barks,
of forty and twenty tons burden. Having sailed toge-
ther as far as Wardhuus (Lapland coast), Pet and

INTRODUCTION. CXXIX

Jackman separated the 24th of June, appointhig the
island of Vaigats as their meeting place. Pet reached,
on the 4th of July, Nova Zembla Proper, in latitude
71° 38'. He then sailed to the south, and was, on the
10th of July, off Vaigats Island. There he remained
till the 14th. He then tried for a passage by the
north of Vaigats, but failed to discover the strait
which Burrough had found. He now steered to the
south-west, and reached the mouth of the Petchora
on the 17th. Thence he started again to the east.
He kept close to the Russian shore, and discovered
the strait between Vaigats and the mainland, which
is therefore called Pet Strait. The 19th of July, Pet
was in the Kara Sea. But the pack was again as
close as it had been in Burrough's time, and it was
impossible to move through it. After five days of
vain struggle with that obstinate enemy, Pet was
joined by his companion, Jackman, who had also
found his way into the Sea of Kara. The two barks,
of forty and twenty tons, now united their efforts,
and tried to force their way onward to China. Three
more days were spent in this vain labour. On the 28th
of July Pet and Jackman resolved to return to Vaigats,
and then to deliberate on their future proceedings.
But they were now in the middle of the pack, some
of the floes of which were so large that their boun-
dary could not be seen. It required the unremitting
labours of seventeen anxious days to carry them back
the small distance they had advanced into the Sea of
Kara. They reached Vaigats on the 15th of August,
and had passed back through Pet Strait by the 20th

CXXX INTRODUCTION.

of the same month. Pet reached home on the 26th
of December, Jackman wintered in Norway, and
perished on his homeward voyage the following spring.

This is the last well authenticated English voyage
in search of a north-east passage, anterior to those of
Hudson in 1607 and 1608. There is, however, strong
reason to believe, that before the year 1584 an Eng-
lish vessel actually sailed through the Kara Sea
and reached the mouth of the Oby, where she suf-
fered shipwreck. The crew are said to have been
slain by the natives, who thought them to be robbers.
The agents of the Muscovy Company also obtained
some extremely interesting information with regard
to the routes usually followed by the Russians from
the Petchora to the Oby, both along the Russian
shore and across Nova Zembla ; and their hope
of a passage was maintained, in spite of repeated
failures.

No actual attempt of theirs is, however, on record,
between 1584 and 1607. But almost at the very
time when the long lapse of their efforts in this
direction begins, another nation appears on the scene,
namely, the Dutch. This nation was destined to be,
for two hundred years, the rival of England's mari-
time power, and their rivalry first began in the frozen
seas off Nova Zembla. The explorations which they
made there at the end of the sixteenth century
are still, and very justly, reckoned among the national
glories of the Dutch. Other nations have not failed to
acknowledge their title to universal admiration. The
lluklnyt Society, in especial, has devoted to them one

INTRODUCTION. CXXXl

of its most remarkable volumes. These explorations
were the principal lights on Hudson's way to the
north-east, and we must therefore again dwell upon
them, although they have been so thoroughly inves-
tigated by Dr. Beke in the work repeatedly referred
to.

We have, on a former page, spoken of the tide of
emigration from the southern provinces of the Nether-
lands, caused by Alba's persecutions. We have also
said that many of the most vigorous elements of that
stream, after having been scattered over all parts of
Europe, gathered again and settled in the northern
provinces, especially in Holland and Zealand, when
these parts became free from the Spanish yoke. One
of the men who thus left Belgium, strayed far abroad,
and afterwards went to Holland, was Oliver Brunei,
a native of Brussels, whom we meet, in 1580, at the
mouth of the river Petchora, bent on the search for
a north-east passage.

Alba's persecutions began in 1567 and lasted till
1573. During the same period, and for several years
afterwards, the frontier provinces of Russia and Swe-
den were desolated by the fierce contentions between
those two empires. The Swedes called to their flags
a number of foreigners, mostly, or perhaps all, Pro-
testants. Scotch and Germans they were said to be,
but under these names there were also comprised
adventurers from other countries. Among these
probably was Oliver Brunei. He was made a prisoner
by the Russians, and had, in 1580, been for several
years in the service of two Russian merchants, the

CXXXU INTRODUCTION.

one called Yakow, the other Anikyi. A Swedish
shipwright, probably also a prisoner, was likewise
in the service of these Russians. At that time the
factors of the English Muscovy Company were con-
tinually making inquiries about the roads to the
mouth of the Oby, and beyond it to Cathay. This
roused the attention of the Russians, and the two
merchants whom we have named hurried to follow
the example as soon as the opportunity offered.
They employed the skilful prisoners to construct and
navigate for them two vessels, fit for sailing in shal-
low water. Oliver Brunei, a man, as it seems, of no
very high scientific attainments, but of good powers
of observation, explored the whole coast of Russia,
from the mouth of the Petchora to the mouth of the
Oby. He also went to Vaigats and to Nova Zembla
Proper. Having thus made himself useful to his
masters, he was sent by them to Antwerp to hire a
number of clever sailors for further exploration of
the north-eastern route. On this journey he arrived,
in February, 1581, on the island of Oesel, in the gulf
of Livonia. In Arensburg, the capital of that island,
there lived a man called John Balak, who was learned
in geography. Balak, much interested by Brunei's
account, requested him to call on Gerard Mercator,
the great geographer, a Belgian by birth, who was
living at Duisburg, in Cleves. Mercator had left his
home much before Alba's time ; but already well
aware that his liberal opinions in matters of religion
(lie was nominally a Roman Catholic, but had singu-
lar notions of his own) would expose him to danger.

INTRODUCTION. CXXXlll

The letter of introduction which Brunei received
from Balak was afterwards communicated by Merca-
tor to Richard Hakluyt, in whose collection it is to
be found.

It is not clear whether Brunei ever went to An-
twerp for his employers. He may not have known,
when he left Russia, that Alexander of Parma had
recently made an end to the reign of the friends of
independence in Belgium, and' that it would, perhaps,
be hazardous to return there. However this may be,
we afterwards find Brunei connected with the town of
Enchuysen, in West Friesland.^ He undertook a
voyage to the river Petchora, in a vessel from Enc-
huysen, After having collected much valuable
merchandize, he lost his ship, and perhaps his life, in
the mouth of the river.

The town of Enchuysen thus became engaged in
the north-eastern scheme. This town chanced to
possess at the time a number of distinguished men,
who required but an impulse to engage their ideas
in this new direction. Among these were Jacob
Valck, the treasurer of the town; Dr. Francis Maelson,
the syndic of West Friesland, a man of much geo-
graphical learning ; Cornelis Corneliszoon Nai, also
called Menscheter, or Anthropophagus, a seaman of
considerable experience ; and several other seamen,
whom we shall have occasion to notice. Distinguished
before all his fellow citizens was Jan Huighen van
Linschoten, whose great work on the East Indies is

^ West Friesland borders on Holland, and forms part of the
same province ; it may almost be considered as a part of Holland,

CXXXIV INTRODUCTION.

still a standard book in public and private libraries.
Linschoten lived for years in tbe Portuguese posses-
sions in the east, and made himself thoroughly ac-
quainted with their resources. He, better than any
one else, was able to understand how great an advan-
tage it would be for any country to enter into com-
mercial connection with those opulent regions.

The northern provinces of the Netherlands, so
small a spot on the map of Europe, had at that time
much more than their own share of energy, intelli-
gence, and riches. The exiles from Belgium and
other refugees were crowded together in their new
home, and were anxiously seeking a vent for their
pent up energies. Such a vent the north-eastern
scheme aiforded. In the chief towns of Holland and
Zealand two men arose, both Belgian emigrants, who
led the minds of their fellow citizens towards these
ideas. Balthasar de Moucheron, an Antwerp mer-
chant, settled in Middelburg, the capital of Zealand,
had long been trading with Russia. The route to
the White Sea was familiar to his captains and pilots.
The above-mentioned Enchuysen sailors were all in
his service. He also communicated with Maelson
and Valck, and between these men the plan of a
north-eastern expedition was brought to maturity.
At Amsterdam there lived the celebrated geographer
Peter Plancius, the very centre of the Belgian emi-
gration, an ardent Calvinist preacher and divine, and
one of the great geographical scholars of the age.
He, before all others, formed with deliberate inten-
tion the design of crippling the Spanish power by

INTROOUCTION. CXXXV

rival commerce, and for that purpose he founded at
Amsterdam a school of navigation, in which the
heroes of the northern and of the first eastern voy-
ages of the Dutch acquired the greater part of their
theoretical knowledge. The most distinguished
among his pupils were Willem Barents and Jacob
van Heemskerk, the Davis and the Drake of Holland.
It was in the year 1594 that these movements
yielded their first great result. Moucheron and his
Enchuysen friends fitted out two vessels, the Stvcm,
from Ter Ver, in Zealand ; the Mercuri/, from En-
chuysen. Both were commanded by Enchuysen men;
the Swan, by Cornelis Nai, who had as under-pilot
Pieter Strickbolle. With them went, as Mouche-
ron's commercial agent, Francois de la Dale, a rela-
tive of Moucheron, who had resided several years
in Russia ; and as interpreter a Slavonian, named
Splindler, who had been studying at Leyden. The
Mercury was commanded by Brant Tetgales, with
Claes Cornelizoon as mate, both of Enchuysen. Jan
Huyghen van Linschoten accompanied them as
" commis,"^ or coopman, filling, on board the Mer~

^ The signification of this word seems not to be generally under-
stood. Even Dr. Beke has been somewhat unjust towards Hul-
sius, because he supposes him to have translated it very incorrectly.
The title commis, and the identical one of coopman, is generally
translated supercargo. This is correct enough in one sense, though
very incorrect in another. The functions of a commis were prin-
cipally commercial, but his position was Infinitely superior to that
of a supercargo of the present day. When ships were sent out to
open commercial intercourse with foreign nations, the men who were
specially charged with these negociations held necessarily a high rank

CXXXVl INTRODUCTION.

curij^ the same position which De la Dale held on
board the Swan. Peter Plancius and his friends at
Amsterdam roused the public spirit in that city, and
the Amsterdammers likewise fitted out a vessel for
the north-eastern search, under the command of
Plancius' pupil, Willem Barents.

The vessels under the two Enchuysen men, and
that from Amsterdam, sailed together from home
and returned home together ; still the two expedi-
tions may almost be considered as distinct, so different
were the plans which they followed. Maelson and his
friends seem to have been intent on adopting in
every respect the indications of Oliver Brunei. They
instructed the two Enchuysen captains to sail through
Pet Strait, between the mainland of Russia and Vai-
gats ; then along the coast of the Sea of Kara, and

in the expedition. Generally they had full powers from their govern-
ment, and were diplomatic as well as commercial agents. They
■were neither the subordinates of the skipper, nor absolutely his
superiors. Each disposed of the resources of the ship for the
special business with which he was entrusted ; the skipper on sea,
the commis in port. The noble nature of the men employed on
the arctic expeditions prevented the else almost unavoidable con-
flicts between these two kinds of authority. Linschoten and Tet-
gales, Nai and De la Dale, Heemskerk and Barents, always agreed.
But during the voyage where Cornells Houtman was conwtis on
board the Hollandia, there was a long series of struggles be-
tween the two authorities. Cornelis Houtman was at last, by
general consent, made captain of the whole fleet. This fact, with
which Hulsius was acquainted, seems to have induced him to
translate Linschotcn's title of commis by Obcrster ; a translation
which is not quite correct when applied to Linschoten, but not by
any means so erroneous as Dr. Bcke seems to think.

INTRODUCTION. CXXXVll

then to the Oby. Plancius, on the other hand,
must have known that the English had repeat-
edly tried that road without success. He consi-
dered it as impracticable, and his pupil was in-
structed to sail along the Nova Zembla group, then
to round it by the north-east, and thus to reach
Cathay. Each party followed its own instructions.
They all sailed together to Kilduyn, on the Lapland
coast, where they separated. The Enchuysen captains
then took their course through Pet Strait, which they
named Nassau Strait, as if it had been a new discovery
of their own. They now found even the strait pestered
with ice, and had some difficulty in penetrating through
it. Still greater were their difficulties in the Sea of
Kara. After a vain attempt to follow their instructions
literally and to keep the coast in sight, they had to
return to the strait. Thence they afterwards started
again, induced by the promising aspect of the ice,
and in fact succeeded in crossing the Sea of Kara
in a north-easterly direction. They mistook Kara
Bay for the mouth of the river Oby, and tried to
convince themselves and others that they had sailed
beyond that river. Satisfied with that imaginary result,
and unable to penetrate any further, they returned.
Near the Russian coast they met Willem Barents, who
had also followed his instructions. He had sailed along
the whole of the Nova Zembla group, had rounded
its north-eastern point, and had reached a cluster of
islands, called by him the Orange Islands, off the
north-eastern extremity. This exploit has never been
repeated, except afterwards by Barents himself. The

CXXXVlll INTRODUCTION.

northern and north-eastern parts of Nova Zembla are
yet laid down from his surveys. Still, when the two
parties arrived at home, it was to the men from
Enchuysen that the greater success was attributed ;
simply because they advocated their claims more
loudly and more eloquently, and because Linschoten,
Nai, and their friends, possessed much more weight
than Plancius and his pupils, who were sneered at
as theorists.

The reports brought home by the Zeeland and
Enchuysen ships caused a general commotion through-
out the country. It was now thought certain, that
China could be reached by a north-eastern route ; and
a much larger venture was made than the former
one. Seven ships were fitted out, with the assistance
of the government ; two from Amsterdam, two from
Zealand, two from Enchuysen, one from Rotterdam.
The command of the whole fleet was entrusted to
Nai. Barents commanded the two Amsterdam ves-
sels. The ships sailed by the same route, which had
so often been followed without success. They entered
the Kara Sea through Vaigats Straits. After a
protracted struggle with the ice, they were obliged to
return without even having made any new discoveries.

Moucheron and the Enchuysen men now wisely
gave up the scheme, as one which could not produce
any satisfactory result. But the hopes of the nation
had been too much roused to die away at once. Plan-
cius, at Amsterdam, especially, thought that a fair
trial had not been given to his plan of sailing much
farther north than the Enchuysen and Zealand men

INTRODUCTION. CXXXIX

had done. Barents was of the same opinion. Their
friends at Amsterdam supported them, perhaps in
some degree from opposition to Enchuysen and Mid-
delburg. But the government were unwilling again
to risk the resources of a new and dangerously placed
community, and refused to grant them any assist-
ance. They afforded them, however, some encourage-
ment in a new manner, which has since been success-
fully imitated in England. Large rewards were pro-
mised to any vessel that would accomplish the voyage
to China by the north-east. This was sufficient to
induce moneyed men to risk their property, sailors to
risk their lives, on this adventure.

Two vessels were fitted out at Amsterdam, the one
under Jacob van Heemskerk and Willem Barents,
the other under John Cornelis Hyp. Both vessels left
Amsterdam the 10th of May, 1596. In the begin-
ning of June, shortly after they had passed the North
Cape, disputes arose between R.yp and Barents. Ryp
would not sail towards the north point of Nova Zem-
bla, but kept a more north-western course ; perhaps
with the intention of steering straight across the
North Pole, perhaps merely from opposition to
Barents. Barents followed Ryp, and their course
brought them to Bear Island, in latitude 74° 80',
longitude 18° 40', which they discovered on the 9th of
June. Their voyage from the 9th to the 30th is not
very clearly indicated in the logbook. Indeed, as it is
there described it is impossible. According to Dr.
Beke's and Mr. Peterman's interpretation, they sailed
round Spitzbergen from south-east to north-west,

CXl INTRODUCTION.

then to the west, and at last back to Bear Island
from north-west to south-east. This feat seems highly
improbable, and no one but these enthusiastic ad-
mirers of Barents ever imagined it. According to
the opinion of all other writers, Barents and Ryp
explored merely the western side of Spitzbergen up
to its most northern point, and perhaps a very small
part of the northern shore. Then they returned to
Bear Island. This view of the case is borne out by
the almost contemporary map of Hondius, which
forms part of the present collection.

Hondius' map was specially intended as an illustra-
tion of the voyage under review. Its statements
were, at least tacitly, accepted as correct by Plancius
and others, who had means of knowing the facts of
the case.^ After their return to Bear Island, the 1st
of July, Ryp and Barents separated ; Ryp to renew
the search from the north-west of Spitzbergen east-
ward, Barents to round the northern point of Nova
Zembla, as he was ordered to do ; of Ryp's fur-
ther proceedings, no satisfactory account remains.
Barents succeeded, on the 15th of August, in round-
ing the north-point, and in sailing a short distance to
the south-east. But the ice of the Kara Sea soon

' See the map : Tabula Geogr. in qua admirnnd(e naviffationis
cursus et recw'sus desujnatur. The admiranda navhjatio is Barents'
third voyage, the course of which is indicated on the map. The
work in which the map first appeared, Pontanus' Description of
Amstej-dam, was first published in 1611; a Dutch translation,
witli the same maps, appeared in 1614. Pontanus himself had paid
very considerable attention to northern discoveries, and was one
of the most strenuous advocates of the north-eastern passage.

INTRODUCTION. Cxli

arrested his progress. On the 26th of August, he
had to seek refuge on the north-eastern coast of
Nova Zembha ; and unable either to advance or to
return through the ice, he was obliged to winter in
this dreary region. Entirely unprepared for so highly
dangerous an undertaking, both he and his crew had
to undergo the severest sufferings, to which Barents
succumbed the 20th of June, 1597. The return
voyage of the crew under the abk command of Jacob
Heemskerk, is a deservedly celebrated adventure,
which, however, offers no new fact of geographical
interest.

No more north-eastern expeditions were under-
taken before the year 1607. The history both of
the north-western and north-eastern search has thus
been brought down to Hudson's time. We have
now to sum up the result of all these expeditions,
and to see when and by whom the various coasts had
been discovered and explored. Afterwards we shall
have to inquire how the geographical results gained
by these voyages presented themselves to the minds
of Hudson and of his contemporaries. The voyages
which we have recorded were nearly all directed to
the arctic regions. In summing them up, we shall
have to wander half round the North Pole. It seems
best to begin where our review of the voyages ended,
namely, on the north-eastern extremity of Europe.

The Nova Zembla group and the adjoining waters
had formed the scene of frequent voyages. Some of
the mariners had penetrated into the Sea of Kara,
and had fought glorious battles against its redoubt-

Cxlii INTRODUCTION.

able icefields. Oliver Brunei had, about 1580, even
passed beyond the Kara Sea, exploring the Rus-
sian shore on the land side, from the mouth of the
Petchora to the mouth of the Oby. A still more
extraordinary feat is recorded of an English vessel,
which, about the same period, performed the voyage
from the Petchora to the Oby by sea. The eastern
shore of the Kara Sea had, besides, been touched by
the Enchuysen and Zeeland vessels of the first Dutch
expedition in 1594. These are the explorations in
the southern and south-eastern part of the Kara Sea.
Its northern, or rather north-western, part had been
entered in 1594, and still farther in 1596, by William
Barents. Thus a part of the south-eastern and of
the north-eastern shores of Nova Zembla had been
visited. The remaining part of the east coast had
never been touched by Europeans. The only navi-
gable strait between the islands, that between Nova
Zembla Proper and Vaigats, had been discovered by
Burrough in 1556. The strait between Vaigats and
the Russian coast had become perfectly familiar both
to the English and the Dutch. It had been disco-
vered by Pet and Jackman in 1580, and about the
same time by Brunei. Nine Dutch vessels passed
through it in 1594 and 1595. Some vague know-
ledge of other straits and bays had also been acquired,
mostly by indirect information. The west coast
of Nova Zembla had been visited, in its northern
part, by Burrough and Pet, in its southern part by
Barents, who had also rounded the northern point,
and had, as already stated, entered the Kara Sea by

INTRODUCTION. Cxliii

the north-east. He had there discovered the Orange
Islands, off the north-cast coast of Nova Zembla.

The whole Russian coast, along the Spitzbergen
and White Sea, had frequently been visited. Kolguev
Island, west of the Petchora, had been touched by-
most of the eastward bound mariners. The group of
inhospitable islands on the boundary line of eternal
ice, between 80° and 76°, which we call Spitsbergen,
had been found in 1596, and the western shores of
the two western islands had been explored. In the
same year, 1596, Bear Island, south of the western
islands of the Spitzbergen group, had been touched
on its western, and again on its eastern side.

Iceland, the next country we fall in with, had been
colonized by the ancient Scandinavians. In more
recent times, it had very frequently been visited by
Englishmen and other mariners from the south,
though the expeditions which we have narrated had
not touched it, because it lies out of the track both
of the north-western and the north-eastern search.
Two vessels, dispatched on this special service by
Davis in 1586, had sought for a passage to the North
Pole between Iceland and Greenland, and had thus
sailed along the east side of the great arctic con-
tinent. They had, however, not touched Greenland
itself.

Greenland had been colonized, on its eastern side,
by the Scandinavians. These colonies had been lost,
and their inhabitants had perhaps not even left
any descendants. They seem to have been visited
by John of Kolno, in 1476, and in the sixteenth

Cxliv INTRODUCTION.

century by their bishops and by Blefkenius. No
recent navigator had touched any part of the east-
ern shore, except near the southern point. John
Davis explored the south-eastern coast of Green-
land, between 60° and 61°. He also rounded the
southern point, and sailed up along the western side
to about 61°. This portion of the west coast had also
been touched by Frobisher, ten years before Davis.
Between 61° and 64° the west coast had never been
seen since the time of the Scandinavians. From 64°
up to 73° it had been surveyed by Davis in 1585,
1586, and 1587.

Davis Strait had first been crossed by the ancient
Scandinavians, at a very remote period. It had again
been discovered by Sebastian Cabot in 1517. The
American side of Davis' Strait was known to the
Scandinavians. Cabot also found it when he entered
the strait in 1517. The shore between 64° and
67° 30' is laid down upon his map. Davis had
reached nearly the same latitude, at least within a
degree. He had also explored the whole American
coast down to 52°, had entered three of the inlets:
Cumberland Inlet in 63° ; Davis' Inlet in bQ)" ; Ivuc-
toke Inlet in 54° 30' ; he had also surveyed the
mouths of Frobisher's and of Hudson's Straits.

FroUshers Strait and the surrounding islands had
been found by the seaman whose name the strait bears.

Hudson s Strait had been discovered by Sebastian
Cabot in 1498. The Portuguese had sailed through
it and had become acquainted with part of Hudson's
Bay between 1558 and 1569. In 1577 Frobisher

INTRODUCTION. Cxlv

had by chance entered the strait. In 1602 Wey-
mouth had sailed nearly a hundred leagues into it,
from Hatton's Headland to the neighbourhood of
Hope's Advance Bay.

The whole cast coast of North America from 38°
north to the mouth of Hudson's Strait, had been
surveyed by Sebastian Cabot in 1498, and part of
it before, in 1497, by his father and him. Others
had rediscovered various parts. Thus the east of
Newfoundland had been explored by Cortereal in
1501 ; the south coast, by some fishers from Nor-
mandy and Brittany in 1504 and 1508. The mouth
of the St. Lawrence had also been visited by Corte-
real and by these French mariners. The river, nearly
up to the lakes, and all the surrounding country, had
been thoroughly explored by Jacques Cartier in 1534
and 1535, and afterwards by Roberval and Cartier.

The sandbanks near the mouth of the St. Latv-
rence^ and the fishing stations along the Newfound-
land coast, were frequented by the English, Portu-
guese, French, and Spaniards. From the mouth of
the St. Lawrence down to 38° of latitude various
navigators had explored the coasts. Verazzano, in
1524, sailed from latitude 34° to latitude 50°, always
along the shore. Gomez, in 1525, explored the coast
of Rhode Island, New York, and New Jersey. Both
Verazzano and Gomez found the mouth of Hudson
River. The Spaniards afterwards sailed along that
shore, and marked some of its principal points as con-
venient stations. Two of the islands along the same
coast were also found ; Martha's Vineyard (which the

Cxlvi INTRODUCTION.

ancient Scandinavians are also said to have visited)
by Verazzano ; Nantucket by the Spaniards.

It does not belong to our purpose to proceed any
further. But we may observe, that on the west side
of North America, the whole coast, from the isthmus
up to 45°, had been explored by the Spaniards. It
had also been satisfactorily ascertained that no strait
or passage across America exists, between the Strait
of Magellan and the regions of which we have spoken.

When thus reviewing the labours of the early
navigators, we may well admire the activity that had
been displayed during the first century of modern
exploration. We must not, however, suppose that
these navigators had acquired a complete knowledge
of the conformation of the coasts explored by them,
and had communicated this knowledge to their con-
temporaries, making it the common property of the
civilized world. Had they been able and willing to
do this, little would have been left for after times to
accomplish. But their method and means of obser-
vation were very different from those which have
since been developed, and the narrow and selfish ten-
dencies of the age led to secresy and isolation. The
immediate results which they themselves obtained,
though doubtless of the very greatest importance, were
not nearly so satisfactory as would be imagined by any
one not acquainted with the state of science in those
times. The principal obstacle against which all the
early geographers had to struggle, was the impossi-
bility of observing longitudes. This difficulty has
not even yet been completely conquered, and we find

INTRODUCTION. Cxlvil

in this respect very considerable discrepancies between
the surveys of different navigators of the present day.
But in those times longitudes were hardly calculated
at all. Many journals of early voyages, those of
Hudson among others, do not contain a single indi-
cation of longitudes. Davis made one or two calcu-
lations of this kind ; yet even he committed such
mistakes, that he was wrong by at least ten degrees.
The nearest approach to correct longitudes is to be
found in some of Sebastian Cabot's surveys. He
himself affirmed that these calculations were based
on his observations of the variation of the needle ;
but his assertion can hardly be strictly true. His ex-
perience, great though it was, cannot have furnished
him with a sufficient number of facts to base upon
them complete and satisfactory conclusions with re-
gard to this absorbing question. As regards his sys-
tem itself, he has left a few vague indications, which
prove that he had observed the dip of the needle as
well as its variation, and had tried to account for both.
But how the system which he had formed could enable
him to calculate the longitude of the mouth of Hud-
son's Strait correctly, within one or two degrees, as he
has done, cannot well be explained. Perhaps this
correctness was obtained merely by chance.

However this may be, Cabot certainly did not im-
part any such knowledge to others, and even now the
navigator is unable to ascertain longitudes by the
variation and dip of the needle. As regards lati-
tudes, the system of calculating them is so simple,
that we find nearly correct observations made in the

Cxlviii INTRODUCTION.

very earliest times. Still the imperfect state of the
instruments which the early navigators made use of
caused mistakes of several minutes to be committed in
perhaps every instance. Errors even of half a degree
can be distinctly proved. Besides, in the high lati-
tudes, it was often for days impossible to make any
observations, on account of the almost permanent
clouds and fogs. Then we have only the dead reckon-
ing left, which is perfectly unreliable in a region noted
for its strong, varying, and often unaccountable cur-
rents. These were not the only obstacles to correct
geographical knowledge. The modern discoveries
could only be regarded as improvements upon the
ancient stock of information. The vague indications
of classic and mediaeval writers had, as we have above
stated, been made the foundation for geographical sys-
tems, for maps and charts, in which as implicit faith
was placed, in spite of mutual contradictions, as we
now place in our best surveys. These medicEval de-
lineations could not fail to exercise their influence on
modern geography. There are also to be found, on
the maps of the sixteenth century, such territories as
the Island of Demons^ and other fantastic lands. From
all these discordant elements, and under these dis-
advantages, the maps that were current in Hudson's
time had been made up. Before we enter upon our
review of these delineations, we must state who were
the men to whom they are due.

The modern system of map making may be said
to have originated in Belgium, about the year 1550.
Jt is a combination of two different methods, both of

INTRODUCTION. CxHx

"vvliich had sprung up during the memorable period
"vvhich forms the transition from the middle ages to
the modern era. The intellectual movement of that
epoch had, among other new births, also produced the
first majjs and the first charts. These two kinds of
geographical delineations were, in the beginning, as
different from each other as they both differed from
the rude geographical drawings of the middle ages.
The maps were the work of landsmen, the charts almost
exclusively of seamen.^ There were also other con-
siderable differences between the maps and charts.
The maps answered purposes somewhat similar to
those for which maps of towns are now designed. They
were confined to limited tracts of country, and were
intended to show the relative positions of well-known
cities, villages, rivers, and mountains. Degrees of
latitude and longitude were not strictly needed, and
w-ere also not to be found in them. They were all
isolated productions, without any connexion or har-
mony among them. These maps had already be-
come very numerous ; in 1570 nearly a hundred had
been engraved ; many more were then probably in
manuscript. The charts, on the contrary, embraced
an immense expanse of sea and land. Few of them
could be the isolated productions of single geogra-
phers, for they necessarily were based on collections
of various materials. In Portugal and Spain, the
two principal countries to which we owe the import-
ant early charts, the profession of making them was

^ This observation, and some of the following details, are due
to M. Lelewel's Geographie du Moyen Age.

Cl INTRODUCTION

a privilege confined to a few highly placed indivi-
duals, who were bound to secresy. They received
from the arriving explorers such new communica-
tions as might serve to correct the charts, and they
made admirable use of their opportunities. Such men
as Da la Cosa, Sebastian Cabot, E-ibeiro, Homem, are
among the Spanish and Portuguese chart makers.
Their position was similar to that now held by the
hydrographers to the European and American admi-
ralties. In France the position of chart maker seems
not to have been an official one ; yet there are also
some great names among those of the French who
followed this occupation.^ These hydrographers of
the sixteenth century were mostly seamen. Their
works consist principally of two kinds, planispheres,
and the so-called portolani. Both of them were still,
in many parts, based upon the system of Ptolemy,
of which they professed to be improvements. The
planispheres were laid down upon somewhat uncer-
tain principles of projection. The same may be said
of the portolani, which corresponded in their charac-
ter, and even, in some respects, in their execution,
with the sea atlases which the Dutch produced in
the seventeenth century. The portolani consist of
several charts, the first of which generally are plani-
spheres. Afterwards follow charts of single coun-
tries, or of tracts of coast. Sometimes the soundings

' The French charts have the merit of uniting the information
furnished by various nations. They are, perhaps, more important
than any other class as sources for the history of geography. Some
interesting facts witli regard to early French charts are to be found
in Mr. Major's recent work on Australia.

INTRODUCTION. cli

are given. A history of geographical science may be
traced by the comparison of these charts, which ex-
ercised considerable influence upon each other. Most
important in that respect are two delineations, of
which we may be allowed to speak in some detail.
The first of them is the planisphere of Diego Ribeiro,
geographer to Charles V. This great work furnished
the foundation for nearly all the later delineations
of America. It was composed in 1529; an earlier
draught of 1527 is also in existence; but there the
outline of the New World is much less correct. In
all the early charts which we have been able to com-
pare with that of Hibeiro,^ America is either copied
from it, with or without improvements, or at least
large sections from Ribeiro are inserted. This is
especially the case with regard to the neighbourhood
of Hudson's River, a region laid down by Ribeiro
from Estevan Gomez' survey, and which has been
copied from him by all the early map makers whose
works w^e have been able to confront with his plani-
sphere, with the only exception of Lok, whose out-
line of the same region is taken from a manuscript
chart of Verazzano.

The other chart we were going to speak of, that of
Sebastian Cabot, is also a planisphere. It was first
published in 1544, with a text in Latin and Spanish;
afterwards again in 1549, with a reprint of the Latin
text. Much later, probably after Cabot's death, a
copy was made by Clement Adams, in which the

' We have not been able to compare Sebastian Cabot's map
Avith it.

Clii INTRODUCTION.

Latin text is corrupted, and a simple and not inele-
gant style turned into a bombastic and unbearable
one. If we can at all trust the descriptions given of
some parts of that chart by Willes and Gilbert, the
chart itself must likewise have been altered, for
their details are in flat contradiction with the 1544
edition, a copy of which is preserved in Paris. These
alterations exercised a very considerable influence on
the scheme of the north-western search, as we have
had occasion to notice. The charts^ almost without
exception, and especially those of Ribeiro and Cabot,
have both latitudes and longitudes. Little reliance
can be placed in the longitudes.

It was by a combination of the early maps and the
early charts, that some Belgian scholars of the six-
teenth century founded the modern system of map
making. Placed, as they were, in the centre of trade,
and in a country eminent both in art and industry,
they were best able to undertake this mission. The
first notable man who distinguished himself in this
manner was the Frisian Gemma, who passed nearly
the whole of his life in Belgium. His works are,
however, of no importance for our subject. Far
more celebrated and of real importance for us, are
his two great successors, Gerard Mercator and Abra-
ham Ortelius, whose method, like that of Gemma,
consisted in the combination and arrangement of the
various geographical materials which they procured
from all parts of Europe, paying an equal attention
to charts and to maps. The works of OrtcHus and
Mercator that come under our consideration, are the

INTRODUCTION. cllii

great planisphere, In mum navigantium, published by
Mercator in 1569, and the maps of America and
Asia, which form part of Ortelius' Orhis terrarum.
first published in 1570. Of these we shall presently
have occasion to speak. We must, however, first
conclude our observations on the maps and charts
available when Hudson sailed, by mentioning the
last and most important class. Hudson's imme-
diate predecessors in the arctic search, Frobisher,
Davis, Linschoten and Barents, had, during their
voyages, not only made the usual written notes, but
had also made draughts of the coasts they had ex-
plored. Frobisher's draught had been published
with one of the accounts of his voyage. Davis'
sketch had been inserted in the celebrated Molyneux
globe, which is mentioned by Hakluyt, and of which
there is still a copy in existence in the library of the
Middle Temple. Linschoten's illustrations of Vai-
gats Strait and southern Nova Zembla adorned his
descriptions of the two first arctic voyages of the
Dutch. Barents' chart of Nova Zembla appeared in
the account of his voyages, and he seems also to have
left a sketch of Spitzbergen, which Hondius after-
wards made use of.

Having now become familiar with the geographical
delineations at Hudson's disposal, we are able to ex-
amine them as it were with his own eyes, and to see
what he found in them. In doing so we shall avail
ourselves of the two charts in the present work,
the one of which was drawn by Jodocus Hondius in
1611, the other by Hudson himself in 1610 and 1611.

Cliv INTRODUCTION.

They do not embrace all the coasts which we shall
have to travel over, and we must, for the rest, refer the
reader to other sources. As far as the two charts do
reach, they furnish a true and plastic expression of
Hudson's geographical notions.

Hudson's ideas, as far at least as they are known,
were all concentrated on the search for a short north-
ern route to China. If we, therefore, wish to identify
ourselves with him in examining the geographical
delineations that were at his disposal, we must, in
doing so, always keep in view the chances of a north-
eastern or north-western passage, which these maps
and charts seemed to promise. AVe must principally
bear in mind that both the north-eastern and the
north-western passage are in reality impracticable,
and that only mistaken notions with regard to the
conformation of the arctic shores could lead to hopes
of realizing these schemes.

When we compare the chart of Hondius in our
collection with a modern map, we find nowhere
greater discrepancies than in the nortli-east. These
discrepancies are the worthier of notice, as they ex-
actly represent Hudson's mistakes, and explain why
he tliought the north-eastern passage possible. Hon-
dius' delineation of those parts is so erroneous, that
a minute comparison with a modern map could not
be seriously undertaken. The two most striking
errors are, however, these. He places, in latitude
73°, a promontory called Cape Tahln^ for the exist-
ence of which, according to Hondius' statement,
Pliny is the only authority. Hondius adds, that the

INTRODUCTION. clv

real situation of Cape Tabin is unknown, and that
its existence is improbable. " According to the most
recent information," says he, " that has been brought
from China, it seems Hkely that Asia does not reach
farther northward than to the fiftieth degree of lati-
tude." Now, in reality, there are two capes close to
each other in the region where Cape Tabin is here
placed, namely. Cape Taimur, about 75° 30', and Cape
Severo-Yostochnoi, about 78°. .The whole north coast
of Siberia, with the only exception of its most east-
ern part, lies above the seventieth degree of latitude.
So there is in Hondius' estimates a mistake of twenty-
eight degrees as regards the most northern point, and
a mistake of twenty degrees as regards the general
line of coast of Siberia.

Hudson's mistakes with respect to these regions
were perhaps not so exaggerated. His ideas were
most probably in conformity with those of Mercator
and Ortelius, who place Cape Tabin even farther
north than Cape Taimur really lies. Beyond Cape
Tabin there is, however, even in their maps, no
serious obstacle for an eastward bound vessel. The
coast slopes rapidly southwards to Japan and China,
and the whole difficulty of the north-eastern passage
seems therefore conquered when once Cape Tabin is
passed. This notion, which is almost as erroneous
as that which Hondius entertained, was undoubtedly
shared by Hudson.^

The second glaring mistake consists in the erro-

' Hudson calls Cape Tahin the North Cape of Tartary ; Ortelius
calls it Promontorium Svythicum. See p. 36, note 1.

Clvi INTRODUCTION.

neous situation of the mouth of the Ohij. This river
was generally considered as a kind of first stage in
the north-eastern search, and to reach or pass it was
justly thought a great achievement. Now Linschoten
and his companions had spread the erroneous notion
that the mouth of the Oby is situated in the bottom of
Kara Bay, at a small distance from the south of
Nova Zembla. The mouth of the Oby seemed, there-
fore, to be in a recess, which need not be touched by
the navigator on his way to the east. This error has
been adopted by Hondius. Hudson also shared it,
as appears clearly from an observation in the de-
scription of his second voyage.^

The place where the Oby empties itself into the
Arctic Ocean lies, however, in reality three or four
degrees eastward from the Sea of Kara, and five de-
grees farther north than the bottom of that sea. It
is separated from the Kara Sea by a peninsula, which
none of the early navigators was able to double, al-
though many attempted it. One of the most difficult
parts of the road to the east was thus suppressed in
the intelligence which Hudson received. Had he
known how much the geographers were mistaken with
regard to these two points, he would scarcely have
wasted so much of his energies on his hopeless under-
taking.

We now leave the extreme east of Hondius' map
and proceed westward. We arrive at the northern
shore of Russia^ the outline of which Hondius seems
to have borrowed from Ortclius, who again had ob-

' P. 36, the passage to which note 1 refers.

INTRODUCTION. clvii

tained it from one of the early maps we have been
speaking of. This outline, though of course faulty,
is yet far from being so incorrect as to give rise to
serious errors. Hudson, moreover, never visited this
shore.

To the north of the Russian coast we perceive, on
Hondius' chart, the Nova Zemhla group. We have
already called attention to the fact, that the ice in the
Sea of Kara had prevented the exploration of the
greater part of the east coast of Nova Zembla. This
explains the want of a coast line on that side.^ There
are, besides, some other momentous defects in this
delineation, which is a reduced copy of the above-
mentioned chart of Nova Zembla left by Willem
Barents. The principal defect is that Nova Zembla
appears as one island, not as a group of islands with
straits between them. The frozen straits north and
south of Matthew's Land are not even indicated.
Burrough's Strait appears as a bay (St. Laurent's
Bay.) On the other hand a real bay, that of Kostin
Shar (here called Kostintsarck) looks like a partly
explored strait. - If we would understand Hudson's
second voyage, we must not lose sight of the fact that
he used this outline of the Nova Zembla coast, which
had found its way not only into the most approved
Dutch, but also into the most accredited English
geographical draughts, such as, for instance, the cele-
brated Molyneux globe. It appeared to Hudson that
there were only three chances of passing Nova Zem-
bla, namely, by the north, by the south, and, perhaps^
^ This coast line has not even yet been completed.

Clviii INTRODUCTION.

through Kostin Shar. Knowing how often the at-
tempts in the two former directions had failed, he
tried a search in the third direction, and then found
Barents' mistake. "We may, perhaps, here say that, in
pointing out the errors of Barents which misled Hud-
son, we do not intend to blame the great Dutch navi-
gator. The mistakes were unavoidable, as must be
seen by any one who has read the narrative of his
voyages ; and it is not certain whether the chart
which we have been commenting upon is the work
of Barents or that of De Veer.

Proceeding farther to the west, on Hondius' chart
we fall in with two islands, Matsfjn, in 75°, and
Willouglibif s Land^ in 72°. Neither of these islands
has a real existence. They are, as it were, delu-
sive duplicates of Matthew's Land and Nova Zem-
bla proper, two of the islands of the Nova Zembla
group. These duplicates owe their origin to a
delusion, which the impossibility of calculating longi-
tudes necessarily engendered. It was, in fact, un-
avoidable, that sometimes, at least, the same coast
should appear twice in the same map, once farther
east, once farther west, though in the same latitude.
For how could it be proved that two points, both under
nearly the same degree, that had been touched by
two different vessels, really belonged to the same
shore \ Matsyn Island is thus nothing more than a
western repetition, a DopjJclgangcr^ as Germans would
say, of Matthew's Land. The latitude is identical,
so is also the name. Matsyn is a corruption of the
Kussian Malhiiyshiii (Matthew's). It does not clearly

IINTRODUCTION. cllX

appear when Matsyn Island was first introduced into
maps and charts.

Willoiighhi/'s Land is even with greater certainty to
be considered a kind of western duplicate of Nova
Zembla Proper. This has been proved over and over
again by recent writers, the most satisfactorily by
Mr. Rundall.^ On the chart which Hudson used
during his second voyage, Willoughby's Land seems
to have been laid down in tlie same latitude as it is
here, but somewhat nearer to the coast of Nova Zem-
bla. Hudson had some doubts with regard to the
correctness of this information, but he was certainly
very far from imagining how extraordinary a theory
would soon spring up, to be made use of in a note to
his words in the printed copy of his journal. " Wil-
loughby's Land," says Purchas in his note, " a con-
ceit of cardmakers, it seeming to be no other than
Newland."^ Purchas is as much mistaken as the
cardmakers. The idea that the country discovered by
Willoughby in 1553 is Newland (Spitzbergen), did
not, however, originate with Purchas. Its origin
must be placed between the years 1608 and 1613.
At the time of Hudson's second voyage, in 1608, a
notion similar to the one expressed on Hondius'
chart still prevailed in England. In 1613 the new
notion that Willoughby had discovered Spitzbergen
had already become the foundation of the claim of
the Muscovy Company to the exclusive right of fish-

1 Introduction to his Voyages to the North -ivest, edited for the
Hakluyt Society, pp. i-viii.

- P. 40, and marginal note to the same page, Newland is Spitz-
bergen.

Clx IISTRODUCTION.

ing along the Spitzbergen coast. The precise date
when the discovery was invented seems to have been
the year 1612, and its inventor^ a man named Daniel,
perhaps (?) the poet and historian, Samuel Daniel.

To the west of the Russian coast we find on Hon-
dius' chart the northern parts of Scandinavia. No
better proof of the progress which geography had
already made could possibly be offered. This nearly
correct outline is a combination of various sources,
maps and charts. The following points on the shore

^ Willoughby's pretended discovery was got up to furnish a
sufficient ground for the English claim to the exclusive possession
of the Spitzbergen fisheries. The abundance of morses and whales
near Spitzbergen bad been first pointed out by Hudson in 1607.
Three years afterwards, in 1610, Poole went there to fish for
morses. In the following year, 1611, Edge founded the whale
fisheries. In 1612 the Dutch made their appearance at these
fisheries to have their share in them. In 1613 the English Mus-
covy Company obtained a royal charter excluding all others, natives
and foreigners, from the Spitzbergen fisheries, on the ground of
Willoughby's pretended discovery. There is every reason to be-
lieve that the discovery had been invented for the occasion. The
following circumstance points to Daniel as the inventor. In the
celebrated Dutch collection of voyages. Begin ende Voorfgang von
de Oost Indische Compagnie, there is a copy of a map of Spitz-
bergen by Daniel, published in London in 1612. Now the Dutch
writers, Hessel Gerritz and Peter Plancius, replied in 1613 to some
English work where the discovery of Spitzbergen by Willoughby
Avas maintained ; and it is therefore but natural to suppose, that
the map of Spitzbergen of 1612, and the book or writing replied
to by the Dutch, had both the same author, namely, Daniel. How-
soever this may be, it is certain that the idea originated between
Hudson's second voyage (1608) and 1613. Samuel Daniel died
in 1619. He is not known to have written about Spitzbergen, nor
about any similar subject.

INTRODUCTION. clxi

deserve particular notice : Wardhuys (AVardhuus) in
Lapland ; the North Kien and North Cape, the two
most northern points ; Sanien, an island in latitude
69°, which is here placed in latitude 70' (it is gene-
rally called Seynam by the early navigators) ; Loifoct,
one of the group of islands which we now call Lof-
foden Islands, probably from a generalization of the
name, which at first belonged only to one of them.
All these places are mentioned in Hudson's log-
books.

North of Scandinavia we find Bear Island, and to
the north of Bear Island, Nieuland (Spitzbergen).
Bear Island, or t'Beeren Island, as it is here called,
was discovered by Barents in 1590, and visited by
Stephen Bennett in 1603. Bennett, claiming a new
discovery, gave it a new name, and called it Cherie's
Island, after his patron, Francis Cherie. Under the
latter name it is known to Hudson.

The relative position of Bear Island and Spitzbergen
is faulty. Bear Island ought to have been farther east.
The error has arisen from a mistake made by Barents
and Ryp in estimating the course they were sailing.
The same mistake has also found its way into the de-
scription of their voyage, and has induced Dr. Beke
and Mr. Petermann to ascribe to them the circumna-
vigation of Spitzbergen.

The delineation of Spitzbergen on Hondius' map is,
for our purpose, the most important part of it, and for a
double reason. A number of passages in the logbook
of Hudson's first voyage, prove that he made use of
a chart of Spitzbergen. The country had, up to 1607,

clxii INTRODUCTION.

been visited only once, namely, by Barents and Ryp
in 1596 ; and we have therefore cause to think that
there existed but one chart of it, and that Hudson's
chart must have been like the one M'hich Hondius
has copied. The second point of interest is still
stronger. Some of Hudson's own discoveries have
been introduced into this part of Hondius' map ;
namely, Colin's Cape, Hakluyt's Headland, part of
the northern shore of Spitzbergen, and the great ice
barrier between Spitzbergen and Greenland. There
is so much vagueness and error in the way in which
the information received from Hudson has been em-
bodied in the map, that the communication between
him and Hondius must have been merely oral. The
outline itself embraces but the western and part
of the northern shore of Spitzbergen. It is correct
enough in its general features, but sadly defective in
its details. Charles' Island, the western foreland,
seems to form part of the mainland. The strait be-
tween the two lands is represented as a bay. These
two principal mistakes had alone a considerable influ-
ence on Hudson's explorations. It would be an
ungrateful task to dwell on the numerous minor defi-
ciencies.

In the south-western corner of Hondius' chart we
find Denmark^ Holland, part of England and Scotland,
the Shetland and the Faroer Islands. They are all
drawn with approximative accuracy. The ftiults
which do exist in their position and outlines had no
influence on Hudson's movements.

We now arrive at the north-western border of

INTRODUCTION. clxiii

Hondius' chart. The same coasts that we find there
are also drawn on the chart of Henry Hudson. Hud-
son's chart is only by a few months later than the
one of Hondius, and yet the improvements are very
great. They are mostly due to Hudson's last voyage,
during which the chart was laid down. Nowhere,
indeed, were improvements more urgently needed.
Hondius' draught of these north-western parts is
combined from the most incongruous materials. It
represents, however, the geographical dogma of the
age, and agrees with the notions which Hudson him-
self entertained before his own explorations procured
him better insight. It is impossible to understand
the meaning of these indications, and their influence
on Henry Hudson, without throwing a cursory glance
over the past history of the geography of those regions.
This history is so curious that it deserves, on its own
account, the reader's attention.

We have before observed that many arctic shores
had been visited by the ancient Scandinavians, and
that colonies had been founded in Iceland and Green-
land. The Iceland colony still exists. The Green-
land settlements, however, on the eastern side of the
sreat arctic continent have not been visited for cen-
turies, and the last descendants of the ancient colo-
nists are likely to have perished many long years ago.
Still there is some exaggeration in the prevailing
opinion, that no communication between those parts
and the rest of Europe has taken place since the end
of the fourteenth century. There is reason to think
that down to the first half of the sixteenth century

Clxiv INTRODUCTION.

the shore of East Greenland was occasionally visited
by the Scandinavians. The testimony which tends
to prove these occasional visits has the appearance of
being reliable. That intercourse was entirely limited
to Scandinavians. The rest of Europe was little
acquainted with the existence of the arctic coun-
tries, and it is only in much later times that
accurate accounts of the early northern discoveries
were introduced into the general stock of European
knowledge. But these great facts could not, even
during the middle ages, remain entirely hidden.
Various rumours respecting Greenland reached the
south of Europe before the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury. Their influence on the geographical deline-
ations of the arctic regions and on early expedi-
tions was very considerable. By far the most im-
portant geographical communication of this kind is
the celebrated chart which was jiublished with the
account of the voyage of the brothers Zeni. Every
reader of geographical researches knows that, in
1558, a small volume was published in Venice, con-
taining a most romantic narrative of the voyage of
two Venetian brothers, belonging to the great Zeni
family. They are reported to have visited, in 1887,
several arctic countries, among which Frisland^ En-
groneland^ Iceland, and Estoiiland are the most notable.
This curious book was, as we have said, accompanied
by a chart, on which the above-mentioned countries
were drawn. The original of that chart was in ex-
istence at a recent period, and it is certain that it
was an old portolano belonging to the Zeno archives.

INTRODUCTION. clxV

On its origin, as well as that of the book, and the
authenticity of both, various conflicting opinions
have been advanced, and defended with very consi-
derable learning and ingenuity. No very satisfactory
result has as yet been obtained. For our purpose
this question of authenticity is entirely unavailing.
"What, however, deserves our most serious considera-
tion is this. The Zeni chart, whether authentic or
not, exhibits a far better outline of Greenland and
Iceland than any other known map published or
drawn before 1558.

The Zeni chart was of Scandinavian origin. It
has never been, and, indeed, cannot be, considered
as a mere fiction. Of this the reader of the present
volume has the proof before his eyes. Nearly the whole
north-western part of Hondius' map is exacthj copied
from the chart of the Zeni. On comparing, especially
the outline of Greenland with a modern map of that
country, the reader will be struck with surprise at
the accuracy of the ancient delineation. If the Zeni
chart be really a work of the fourteenth century,
the delineation of Greenland upon it can, without
hesitation, be pronounced the best geographical
drawing that was then in existence. AVhen examin-
ing this remarkable production, we are strongly re-
minded of the narratives of modern explorers, in
which the wonderful capacity of the Esquimaux for
tracing the courses of rivers and the lines of a coast
is extolled. To this source we probably owe, of
course indirectly, the outline of Greenland on the
Zeno chart. This outline has been found sufficientlv

Clxvi INTRODUCTION.

accurate to serve as a basis for later improvements,
and on it all modern maps of the country are founded.
Some parts of the east coast are even now drawn on
all maps from the medigeval survey, having never
since been approached. But the old Zeni chart seems
to have been a compilation made up from materials
of very unequal value. The outline of Iceland is in-
ferior to that of Greenland. Frisland is so strangely
drawn, that only the name of the country and of
some places upon it, and the fact that no other
country can be meant, have led geographers to iden-
tify it with the Faroer Islands. The relative posi-
tion of these countries, and their position also with
relation to Scandinavia, Britain, and Iceland, is ex-
tremely defective. When the Zeni chart was pub-
lished, degrees of longitude and latitude were to be
found upon it. They had not been on the original,
and had, according to the opinion of a most compe-
tent judge, Mr. Lelewel, been but recently introduced.
These degrees added very considerably to the errors of
the chart. The influence of the new source of mistake
was, however, less strong in some parts, stronger iu
others. Iceland is but one degree too far north.
Frisland, however, is entirely out of its place. The
southern point of Greenland is in latitude 65°, instead of
latitude 60°. This last mistake has had such singular
consequences that too much attention cannot be paid
to it.

The chart of the Zeni, such as it was, was received
as perfectly authentic by all contemporary geogra-
phers. Ortelius and Mercator made use of it. It is

INTRODUCTION. clxvii

also expressly stated that Frobisher took it with him
on his north-western voyages. He was, by means of
this chart, led into great mistakes. He fell in with
Greenland, the 4th of July, 1577, and the 20th of
June, 1578, both times under about 61°. Having but
the Zeni chart to guide him, he could not suppose
that the country was Greenland. He mistook it for
Frisland, and put down, in 1577, after four days
exploration, that the coast and the chart agreed very
well. This he further confirmed the next year, and
Frisland had in this manner acquired a legitimate
existence.

Davis also fell in with Greenland in 61°. He at
once recognized that this was not Frisland. But
having no reason to think that this country, which
was several degrees farther south than the Engrone-
land of the Zeni chart, was really identical with it,
he considered it as his own new discovery, and called
it Desolation. We have seen, in the narrative of his
voyage, that his course along the Greenland shore
was always nearly the same. He first approached
the coast near the southern promontory, then left it,
and again approached it under 64°. He seems never
to have been conscious of the continuity of coast
between the 62nd and 64th degree. He therefore
considered Desolation as an Island south of Grone-
land.

Another source of mistakes, furnished by the
vagueness of Frobisher's accounts, enabled Davis to
give the finishing stroke to this singular web of
errors. The finished picture has been copied into

Clxvi INTRODUCTION.

accurate to serve as a basis for later improvements,
and on it all modern maps of the country are founded.
Some parts of the east coast are even now drawn on
all maps from the mediseval survey, having never
since been approached. But the old Zeni chart seems
to have been a compilation made up from materials
of very unequal value. The outline of Iceland is in-
ferior to that of Greenland. Frisland is so strangely
drawn, that only the name of the country and of
some places upon it, and the fact that no other
country can be meant, have led geographers to iden-
tify it with the Faroer Islands. The relative posi-
tion of these countries, and their position also with
relation to Scandinavia, Britain, and Iceland, is ex-
tremely defective. When the Zeni chart was pub-
lished, degrees of longitude and latitude were to be
found upon it. They had not been on the original,
and had, according to the opinion of a most compe-
tent judge, Mr. Lelewel, been but recently introduced.
These degrees added very considerably to the errors of
the chart. The influence of the new source of mistake
was, however, less strong in some parts, stronger iu
others. Iceland is but one degree too far north.
Frisland, however, is entirely out of its place. The
southern 'point of Greenland is in latitude 65°, instead of
latitude 60°. This last mistake has had such singular
consequences that too much attention cannot be paid
to it.

The chart of the Zeni, such as it was, was received
as perfectly authentic by all contemporary geogra-
phers. Ortelius and Mercator made use of it. It is

INTRODUCTION. clxvii

also expressly stated that Frobisher took it with him
on his north-western voyages. He was, by means of
this chart, led into great mistakes. He fell in with
Greenland, the 4th of July, 1577, and the 20th of
June, 1578, both times under about 61°. Having but
the Zeni chart to guide him, he could not suppose
that the country was Greenland. He mistook it for
Frisland^ and put down, in 1577, after four days
exploration, that the coast and the chart agreed very
well. This he further confirmed the next year, and
Frisland had in this manner acquired a legitimate
existence.

Another source of mistakes, furnished by the
vagueness of Frobisher's accounts, enabled Davis to
give the finishing stroke to this singular web of
errors. The finished picture has been copied into

clxviii INTRODUCTION.

Hondius' chart from the great Molyneux globe, where
it was first drawn by Davis. On both delineations
we find, to the south of Groneland, a strait, and to the
south of that strait the Island of Desolation. The
strait is called Frobisher's Fret, and on both sides of
it are marked the places which Frobisher had ex-
plored. So Frobisher's Strait had been carried to
Greenland, and was now leading from the Atlantic
into Davis' Strait.^ This egregious mistake had been
committed by one of the greatest arctic explorers.
Can it be wondered at that Hudson, when sailing
along the east coast of Greenland in 63° N., believed
himself to be athwart Frobisher's Strait X

This, then, is the shape in which Greenland ap-
peared. Between 60° and 62° the Island of Desola-
tion ; between 62° and 63° Frobisher's Strait, leading
from the Atlantic to Davis' Strait ; from 63° to 75°,
the Engroneland of the Zeni. Close to Engroneland,
Iceland. West of Desolation, Frisland. We have
here again the same country (South Greenland) laid
down twice, from modern exploration alone ; as
Frisland from Frobisher's, as Desolation from Davis'
survey. South Greenland, moreover, appears a third
time as the south of Engroneland, from the misunder-
stood medieeval survey of the Scandinavians.

We must now again refer to the Zeni chart.
Hondius has not copied the whole of it. In the

^ There can be no doubt as to the real locality of Frobisher's
Strait, which is where modern majis place it. Every doubt must
be removed by a comparison of Best's delineation of the strait with
Ortclius' map of America.

INTRODUCTION. clxix

original delineation, the coast of Engroneland stretches
far eastward, to those regions where Hudson's ice bar-
rier and where the Spitzbergen islands are situated.
The discoverers of Spitzbergen w^ere thus induced to
think that theirs was no new discovery ; but that they
had simply touched a part of the Greenland or Engrone-
land which they found indicated on their charts. Ac-
cordingly, they called these coasts Greenland. Hudson,
who made use of a Dutch chart of Spitzbergen, pre-
served the appellations, which soon became general ;
though two other names were also received, vSpitz-
bergen and Newland, or King James his Newland.
The two former names, Greenland and Spitzbergen,
are still applied to the group. As to the real, or
western Greenland, Hudson designates it by a name
nearly identical with the Engroneland of the Zeni
map. He calls it Groneland. We cannot understand
his logbooks without bearing in mind that this Grone-
land is Greenland ; whilst his Greenland is Spitz-
bergen.

To the south-east of Frisland, we meet on Hudson's
chart Bus Island^ the offspring of an illusion different
from those which have occupied us so long. The
Busse of Bridgewater, one of Frobisher's ships, had
met in latitude 57° one of the immense icefields which
annually drift out of Davis' Strait. Mistaking it for
an island, they had given it the name of Busse
island. For this country both Hudson and John
Knight sought in vain.

When we round the southern point of Greenland
and arrive on the western side, we pass from illusions,

clxX INTRODUCTION.

conjectures, and misunderstandings, to good, though
perhaps not yet entirely accurate, knowledge. The
southern part of Greenland, up to 61°; and, again,
the west coast between 64° and 73°, had been explored
by Davis, and drawn by him for the Molyneux globe.
From this globe, or from other copies of Davis' survey,
the outline of these shores had passed into all good
maps and charts. These shores appeared to Hudson in
the almost correct shape which Davis had given them.
The same maybe said with regard to the American side
of Davis' Strait, from 66° southwards. The mouths
of the inlets, and the configuration of Cumberland
Strait, especially, are drawn with great accuracy
on the Molyneux globe. Hudson's Strait, which
Hudson had then not yet explored, is by Davis called
The furious overfall ; an allusion to the currents in its
mouth, which he likens to streams of water, violently
rushing through the arches of a bridge. Frobisher's
Strait is called Lumley's Inlet; for Davis thought
that the real Strait of Martin Frobisher cut off
Desolation from Greenland. Both these names, The
furious overfall, and Lumley's Inlet, are to be found in
Hudson's logbooks.

We would now gladly pass over all the other
maps and charts of these regions which were at
Hudson's disposal. But we must allude to two of
them, which undoubtedly exercised some influence
on his thoughts, namely, Cabot's planisphere and
Ortelius' America. Of neither of these could we give
a full idea by mere description. But the leading
features can easily be described. Two points are to

INTRODUCTION. clxxi

be noticed in Ortelius' map of America. The first is
the great fact which we have repeatedly mentioned
— the fact that Hudson s Bay is dratvn upon that
map, — very imperfectly, it is true, but still clearly
enough to convince contemporaries of its existence
and later times of its anterior exploration. It is
called by Ortelius Baia dos Medaos. Out of it leads,
to the northward, into a broad western passage, a
wide strait or stream, called Rio de Tormenta. The
passage itself runs out into the Pacific, very nearly
under the same degree where the western mouth of
the real north-west passage is situated. This, how-
ever, has its origin in a singularly happy guess. No
vessel had ever approached so high a latitude. AVe
may, perhaps, also mention that Grocland, the
Greenland of John of Kolno, is, by Ortelius, drawn
as an island in the north-west passage.

As to Cabot's planisphere, two facts only need be
mentioned. Part of the western shore of Davis'
Strait was drawn upon it, even up to a higher lati-
tude than Davis himself had reached on the Ameri-
can side of his strait. Further, it appears that in the
adulterated copy of Cabot's map, which Clement
Adams had caused to be engraved, Hudson's Strait
was indicated as a passage across America, opening
into the Pacific under about 40° or 45°. One of these
adulterated maps was, in Hudson's time, hung up
in Whitehall Gallery. It had been seen there in
Elizabeth's reign by Hakluyt, and was afterwards
inspected by Purchas. Attention had so frequently
been drawn to this celebrated planisphere, by Gil-

Clxxii INTRODUCTION.

bert, Haklayt, and others, that a man like Hudson
would not lose the opportunity of examining it.

The coasts oT Lahrador, Neivfoundland^ Canada^
Nova Scotia, and Netv Brunswick were, on the maps
and charts of this period, laid down from Portuguese
and French surveys. The importance of these shores
consisted alone in the codfisheries. Great attention
was therefore paid to the sandbanks and shoals,
many of which had French names. The term of Neiu-
foundland (Terre Neuve, Terra Nova) was somewhat
vaguely applied to most of these fisheries. Juet,
Hudson's companion in the third voyage, applies it
to a part of coast as far south as 43° 20'.

The New England shore was drawn by Ortelius
from a very imperfect Spanish delineation, into which
some French materials had been introduced, alto-
gether a most unsatisfactory combination. Hudson
does not seem to have had a better chart at his dis-
posal, although Juet, his companion, makes mention
of Gosnold's voyage (1602), The very terms in which
he speaks of it prove how vague was his knowledge.
Finally, as regards the shores in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of Hudson's river, we have repeatedly
stated that they had been drawn by Estevan Gomez,
copied by Ribero, and, from Ribero, with additions
by other geographers. From such a copy, probably
from a French compilation, Ortelius' outline of the
region is taken. This process of copying from copies,
which is known to be dangerous to pictures, could
not fail to exercise a bad infiuence on geographical
drawings ; especially at that period, where all the

INTRODUCTION. clxxui

methods of mapmaking were yet in their infancy.
Such is, in fact, the case here. The neighbourhood
of Hudson's river on Ortelius' map is in outline, lati-
tude and longitude so incorrect, that it requires the
comparison with the sources and a knowledge of its
history to convince us that it is based on a careful
survey. It could offer no assistance to the navigator
who proceeded to these coasts, and the whole labour
of exploration had again to be undergone.

Hudson seems to have had at his disposal another
chart of the same region, which is not by any means
of greater accuracy, though also, and more directly,
based on an original survey. In Hakluyt's Divers
Voyages, is to be found a planisphere, drawn by
Michael Lok, the well known geographer, who aided
Frobisher with money and advice. This planisphere
is partly based on the explorations of Verazzano,
whose original chart of these coasts had fallen into
Lok's hands. Verazzano had been in England after
his great voyage of discovery ; and is supposed to
have joined the two vessels sent out from here in
1527, as we have had occasion to observe. A copy
of Lok's planisphere is to be found in Mr. J. Winter
Jones' edition of Hakluyt's Divers Voyages.

Lok's chart has one very remarkable feature. The
continent of America appears, in the neighbourhood
of Hudson's river, as a mere strip of land, on the other
side of which the broad Pacific opens. Had Lok
heard of the great Canadian lakes, or had such
information even reached Verazzano \ This singular
notion, wliatever its origin may have been, seems to

Clxxiv INTRODUCTION.

have led to Hudson's voyage along these shores, and
to the discovery of Hudson's river.

We have now concluded the geographical review
of the coasts which Hudson visited, and have shown
how they appeared to him and to his contemporaries,
before his own explorations increased the stock of
knowledge, and rectified some of the numerous errors.
We have only two more observations to add to this
part of our subject.

The continuity of the American coast from 35° N.
down to the strait of Magellan, was an undoubted
and long established fact. The search for a strait
must, therefore, be confined to the parts north of 35°
on the eastern side. On the western side an accurate
search had been made by the Spaniards, up to 45°
N., and no strait from west to east had been dis-
covered. A vague rumour was current, that some-
where in the north the A merican and the Asiatic shore
are separated merely by a strait. This notion, which
later explorations have confirmed, had its origin in a
misinterpretation of a passage of Marco Polo. The
celebrated Strait of Anian, which has been identified
with the real strait of Cook and Behring, was originally
a mere delusion. It was placed much too far south-
ward ; and the Spanish explorations along the
western coast of North America, caused Hondius to
doubt whether there really was a Strait of Anian.
Some geographers, however, (Frobisher among them),
entertained the very curious notion that the arctic
parts of America formed a continuation of Asia, so
that the Pacific ran out into a bay on its nortliern

INTRODUCTION. clxXV

side. Frobisher and his companions thought, that
Frobisher's Strait, which they identified with the
Strait of Anian, divided America from Europe.

In the foregoing pages of this introduction, such
explanations have been furnished to the reader as
will enable him to estimate the value of the journals
in which Hudson's doings are recorded. An attempt
has also been made to explain the antiquated
geographical terms and notions which are to be found
in these journals, so as to render them fully in-
telligible to the student of the present day. We
might then consider our task as performed. But
the fragmentary nature of the intelligence which we
have collected, makes it binding upon us to assist
the reader in arranging these fragments, and to clear
away for him the difficulties which may arise from
their mutual contradictions. We have, besides,
some minor points to examine, and to gather those
few biographical details which are scattered here and
there in our sources. These are the objects to which
the last pages of our introduction will be devoted.
To give some kind of unity to these various inquiries,
we are going to connect them as much as possible
with Hudson's life. Still we would request the
reader not to mistake these last pages for an intended
biography of Henry Hudson.

The records which we have collected embrace
Hudson's career, from the 19th of April, 1607, four
days previous to his departure on the first north-
eastern voyage, to the 21st of June, 1611, when he
was exposed in an open skiff on the inland sea which

Clxxvi INTRODUCTION.

he had explored. His ultimate fate, concerning
which but too little doubt can exist, has not been
witnessed by human beings that lived to relate it.
We know still less of his birth than of his death.
His doings before the 19th of April, 1607, his family
connections, his social position, are equally unknown
to us. Of his private life we learn but one fact,
namely, that a son of his, a boy named John, accom-
panied him on his voyages and died with him the
same cruel death. The name which he has made
illustrious is not uncommon either among the higher
or the lower classes of this country. Though not borne
by any one of the great territorial families, it belongs
to a number of persons of good estate, especially in
the northern counties. There are clergymen of the
name of Hudson in almost every county in England.
We have no means of knowing whether Henry Hud-
son himself was a gentleman by nature only, or also
by birth. He is repeatedly called " JNIaster Henry
Hudson" in the logbooks ; this would mean as much
as " Henry Hudson, Esquire," does in our days, were
it used of any one but a seaman. But in Hudson's
case it may, and probably does, mean "Captain Henry
Hudson." The whole question is, however, so trivial,
that it is scarcely worth the space we have devoted
to it, and it need not even be regretted that our sources
leave it without an answer.

When we say that no event of Hudson's career,
before the year 1607, is known, we put entirely
aside the testimony of Adrian van der Donck. This
author relates some events of our navigator's life,

INTRODUCTION. clxxvii

Avhich, if they were true, must have taken place
before 1607 ; namely, a prolonged residence in Hol-
land, and several years service on board Dutch vessels.
But we have above shown that Van der Donck's
account contains a whole tissue of idle inventions,
put forward to prove the Dutch title to New Nether-
land, and that the notice here alluded to is probably
among the number of these inventions.

Hudson's first real appearance on the scene is in
1607. The position in which we first meet him was a
most honourable one. He was, in 1607, a captain in
the service of the Muscovy Company, an association
distinguished by the high aims it pursued, the
services it had rendered to the country, and the
eminence of the men who commanded its vessels.
This company still bore the stamp impressed upon it
by Sebastian Cabot. The evils against which the aid
of Cabot's genius had once been invoked, had indeed
long since been removed. There was now no fear of
the privileges of the Hanse, nor any languor in
English commerce. The vast enterprise of the
Muscovy Company itself, and other similar under-
takings for w^hich that company had served as the
model, were carrying England rapidly forward in that
glorious career, in which she was destined to outstrip
all other nations. The company had wisely adhered
to Cabot's precepts. All their enterprise was still
directed towards that quarter of the globe with which
the name of Cabot is so intimately bound up, namely,
the north. They had not even renounced the idea
of finding a short northern route to China, although

Clxxviii INTRODUCTION.

the ample returns of the East India Company which
traded by the ordinary route, rendered that discovery
less urgently desirable than it had been in Cabot's
time.

The Muscovy Company had also remained faithful
to the new method which Sebastian Cabot had, for
their benefit, introduced into the science of naviga-
tion. The logbook^ the most admirable of all the
inventions for the furtherance of that science, owed
its origin and development to the Muscovy Com-
pany. How greatly navigation and geography are in-
debted to them for this service, appears clearly when
we compare Verazzano's account of his voyage to
Hudson's river, with Juet's journal of Hudson's
expedition to the same coasts. We observe Yerazzano,
a man of great talent, making painful efforts to
convey a clear meaning, and succeeding but in-
differently ; whilst Juet, a man of ordinary abilities,
furnishes us with an account in which every step can
be clearly traced. Nor is Verazzano's failure, or
Juet's success, at all isolated. Verazzano's narrative
is very nearly the best maritime record of its period ;
whilst Juet's journal is in every respect surpassed by
many anterior logbooks. The difference between
Juet and Verazzano, as far as it is to the disadvantage
of the latter, consists not in their respective talent,
but in the methods they made use of. Juet's journal
is modelled on the logbooks of his predecessors, such
as Barents, Davis, and others ; and these men are
followers of Willoughby, Chancellor, Burrough, Pet,
and Jackman, and other captains of the Muscovy

INTRODUCTION. clxxix

Company. The captains of the company again were
but carrying out one of the commands contained in
the instructions given to Willoughby and Chancel-
lor by Sebastian Cabot,^ the real originator of the
logbooJc.

One of the most remarkable features in these log-
books of the Muscovy Company was the attention
paid to magnetic variations. This kind of research
was first of all systematically pursued by the Mus-
covy Company, and doubtless at Cabot's instigation,
although no positive proof of this fact has been pre-
served.

We have made the preceding statements in order
to place Hudson's journals in their true light. These
journals are very remarkable. Yet it would be unfair
to exaggerate, at the expense of others, Hudson's
merit in writing them. Were we to look at Hud-
son's journals separately, and not in connexion
with other logbooks of the same period and of the
same company, we might consider them as still

^ " Item, that the marchants and other skilful persons in writing
shall daily write, describe, and put in memoire the navigation of
every day and night, with the points and observations of the lands,
tides, elements, altitude of the sunne, course of the moon and
starres, and the same so noted by the order of the master and
pilot of every ship to be put in writing, the captains generall
assembling the masters together once every week (if winde and
weather shall serve) to conferre all the observations and notes of
the said ships, to the intent it may appear wherein the notes do
agree, and wherein they dissent, and upon good debatement, deli-
beration, and conclusion, determined to put the same into a common
ledger, to remain as record for the company." — CahoC s Instruc-
tions, § 7. Hakluyt i, p. 226.

clxXX INTRODUCTION.

greater achievements than they really are. They
contain, in fact, no original feature. It is only by
mistake that the first observations of the dip and
variation of the needle, at least among arctic navi-
gators, have been attributed to Hudson. Such obser-
vations are to be found in Cabot's chart, in the log-
books of the men who followed his instructions, and
also in the papers of those who imitated his follow-
ers. The system of Hudson's logbooks seems to have
been adopted in obedience to a standing order of the
Muscovy Company. It is not, however, our inten-
tion to depreciate these writings of our navigator.
They possess every merit except that of originality,
and are perfect models of their kind.

Another peculiar feature of the logbooks of the
Muscovy Company was the great number of observa-
tions of the heavenly bodies made by their captains.
In this respect Hudson offers a very bright example,
and we might therefore expect a very great accu-
racy in his latitudes. But such accuracy is not to
be found. This is owing, not to any want of care
on his part, but to the imperfection of the instru-
ments he made use of. It would be easy to describe
these instruments in detail. There was published in
London, in the very year when Hudson first started,
a mariner's manual, by the celebrated John Davis.
In that extremely remarkable volume we find, not
only descriptions of all the mariners' instruments
and explicit directions for their use, but also wood-
cut figures illustrating tliem, such as have been
introduced into popular manuals of the present

INTRODUCTION. clxxxi

day. The reason why we have refrained from giving
extracts from that volume is obvious. Our intro-
duction already exceeds the usual limits, and that
subject does not strictly belong to it. We must
therefore refer the reader to Davis' work, a copy of
which is in the British Museum Library.

As to the accuracy or want of accuracy in Hud-
son's observations, it is in most cases impossible to
test it. Most of the shores which he visited, such, for
instance, as Nova Zembla, Spitzbergen, Jan Mayen,
Greenland, Hudson's Strait and Bay, are even now
very imperfectly known. Even now errors of several
minutes with respect to almost every part of these
shores may, with too good reason, be suspected in
the charts. We therefore lack the most important
of all the means of testing the accuracy of anterior
statements. A still greater difficulty is that nearly
all the points mentioned by Hudson are for us little
better than mere names. The Islands of God's Mercij^
Hold with Hope^ Hakluyfs Headland^ and other names
given by Hudson, are still to be found on the maps
and charts ; but whether the places so named by
him and those now called so are really identical,
cannot be established by any satisfactory evidence.

It is, moreover, certain, that some of Hudson's lati-
tudes which we can check are wrong. Such is the
case with regard to the most northern and most
southern part of Spitzbergen, with regard to Cape
Farewell and Cape Wolstenholme. The errors which
must have been made in these instances amount to at
least seven or eight minutes in each case. These posi-

Clxxxii TNTRODUCTION.

tive proofs of incorrectness must render us suspicious
even where such positive proofs are wanting. When
we add to this the entire absence of longitudes in
Hudson's journals, the deceptive influence exercised
on the dead reckoning by the varying currents of
the arctic regions, and the want of good modern
charts, it becomes obvious that it would be a mere
delusion were we to trace Hudson's course with pre-
ciseness, and to point out as certain the latitude and
longitude of every locality mentioned by him.

We have, on this account, been extremely sparing
with geographical notes to the text of Hudson's
journals. The precise localities mentioned by him
seem to us dubious in almost every instance, and it
would scarcely have been right to enter into long
discussions, with the conclusion that, after all, we
are not able to settle the matter. It is not our in-
tention to commit, in these last pages, the mistake
that we have tried to avoid in our notes ; and we
shall here refrain from this kind of discussion, except
in a few isolated instances. In defence of the some-
what exceptional course we are thus pursuing, we may
perhaps be allowed to state it as our opinion, that
the importance of a navigator's career consists, not so
much in the coasts he touched, as in the new know-
ledge acquired and conveyed by him.

Many great men attempted, before and after Hud-
son, to solve the problem of a short northern route
to China. But he surpasses all his predecessors and
all his followers in the variety of means he employed
to obtain that great end. This variety of devices

INTHODUCTION. clxXXui

within a narrow scope, the very test of an ener-
getic mind, was perhaps in part due to his singular
and exceptional situation. Each of his predecessors
had confined his efforts to only one direction, trying
the chances that might be offered within a com-
paratively limited area, and these chances had thus
been reduced to a small number of seeming proba-
bilities. The probabilities would have appeared still
fewer, had the explorations been made and chronicled
with modern accuracy. As it was, there remained in
every direction some delusive hopes, which it still
required a renewed search to dispel. One of Hud-
son's many great merits consists in having proved
several of these delusions to be what they were, and
thus to have further limited the area of the search
for a short road to China. The efforts of all those
after him, like those of each of his predecessors, were
then more confined than his own. Hudson himself
tried within the last few years of his life, first the
way across the North Pole, then the way by the north
of Spitzbergen eastwards ; he attempted to penetrate
through the Nova Zembla group, and having failed
to do so, undertook another expedition to the same
quarter. He afterwards tried to cross what seemed
a narrow isthmus, between the Atlantic and Pacific,
in latitude 40°. He at last sailed far westward
through his strait and bay, and perished in the midst
of his hopes and plans. It is curious that he missed
the only real chance, namely, the way through Davis'
Strait and Baffin's Bay. But, if we may conclude
from what he had done up to his death, it is proba-

clxxxiv INTRODUCTION.

ble enough that he wouhl not have left that way
untried had he lived longer. He was one of those
men who, whether successful or not, will not leave to
any one after them the right to boast of having
accomplished what they had despaired of.

Hudson's first attempt was to sail across the North
Pole, a plan started in 1527 by Robert Tliorne, but
not yet acted upon by any one during the eighty
years that had since passed. The voyage to which
this idea gave rise is well described in Playse's log-
book, where the reader will find all its details. A
short summary of the main points may, however,
prove useful.

Hudson left London the 23rd of April, 1607, with
the intention of sailing across the North Pole to
China and Japan. His course carried him to the
Shetland Islands. Thence he sailed to the north-
west, passing, as it seems, close by Iceland without
perceiving it. He arrived on the 13th of June off
the Greenland coast, in latitude 67° 30', doubting
whether the land he saw was an island, or the En-
groneland, or Groneland of the Zeni. To this ques-
tion he had received no satisfactory answer, even
after six days' stay in that neighbourhood. It does
not appear how great was his distance from the coast
during these six days ; but he certainly never landed.
To a prominent cape, and to a mountain near it, he
gave the names of Young's Cape and Mount of God's
Mercy. These are, for us, nothing more than mere
names. The coast of Greenland in 67° 30' has never
been well explored, and Hudson's own indication is

INTRODUCTION. clxXXV

vague in the extreme. Hudson himself continued to
be in doubt as to the real nature of the coast near
him. He even thought it possible that it might be
an island, at the north-eastern point of which he
had arrived. He was thus exposed to an error very
similar to the one committed by Davis, who con-
sidered the south of Greenland as an undiscovered
island. Hudson's farther course along the east coast
of Greenland also offered striking analogies with Davis'
explorations along the western shore. Davis had
lost sight of the coast, had unconsciously followed
its bend, and had again fallen in with it.

In a like manner Hudson now left the Greenland
shore with the intention of steering to Spitzbergen ;
and his north-eastern course brought him, after two
days sailing, on the 21st June, 1607, again to the
Greenland coast, which on its eastern side trends to
the north-east, as on its western side it trends to the
north-west. He again reached the Greenland coast
in latitude 73°, and called his new discovery Hold
with Hope^ a name still to be found on maps of the
arctic regions, although it would be impossible to
point out the exact locality to which it was first
given.

Following his north-eastern direction Hudson tried,
during the last days of June, to sail northwards, wher-
ever he might be able to do so. But he seems to
have been prevented from progressing towards the
pole by the well-known ice barrier between Green-
land and Spitzbergen, which has been so well de-
scribed by Dr. Scoresby. This barrier generally

clxXXvi INTRODUCTION.

forms at that time of the year an undulating line
between the 74th and 80th degrees of latitude, reach-
ing farthest to the south near the Greenland coast,
and being nearest to the pole in the neighbourhood
of Spitzbergen. Hudson was the first modern navi-
gator who sailed along this barrier. His logbook
does not, however, contain a sufficient number of
data to enable us to trace the line of the ice as it was
in June 1607.

"When Hudson was approaching the Spitzbergen
coast, he looked out for a cape, discovered by Barents,
and called by him Vogel Hoeck, a point which was,
as it seems, indicated on the chart used by Hudson.^
This point is probably identical with the Vogel Hoeck
of the later and more accurate maps of the country,
though such identities of name are not always suffi-
cient proofs of identity of place. It would be inter-
esting to settle this question, but this cannot be done
from the materials now in existence.

Supposing that identity to exist, we find Hud-
son on the 28th of June, 1607, near the western
point of Charles' Island. ^ For the Vogel Hoeck of
the later Dutch maps is the same cape which Dr.
Scoresby calls Fair Foreland, and which he places,

* Vogel Ilocck is expressly mentioned by Hudson as the point
he Mas looking out for. The point is also to be found on Hon-
dius' chart. The locality where the Vogel Hock of later maps
(English charts call it Fair Foreland) is situated, namely, the
north-west point of Charles' Islands, seems in every respect to
agree with what we know of the Vogel Hoeck of Barents.

* Charles' Island is the most western of the forelands by which
the mainland of Spitzbergen is surrounded.

INTRODUCTION. clxxxvii

according to his own survey, in 78° 53' N., 9' 17' E.
The last two days of June were spent off the coast of
Charles Island. From the 1st to the 6th of June,
Hudson seems to have sailed backwards and forwards
in the Foreland Fiord, between Charles' Island and
the mainland of Spitzbergen. This at least is the most
consistent result that can be derived from his notes,
in which every kind of vagueness is accumulated.
The chart he used was very imperfect, he was con-
tending with ice and fog, and his observations of
latitude, though there are three in five days, are not
thoroughly reliable. But in spite of these drawbacks,
the above mentioned course seems to be marked out
with sufficient certainty and clearness. Hudson then
sailed into the Foreland Fiord on its northern side,
the 1st of July, and left it, on its southern side, the
6th of the same month, having passed the intervening
six days in the Fiord. From the 9th to the 11th of
June, Hudson sailed back, on the opposite, or outward
side of Charles' Island, the distance he had sailed within
the Fiord. He continued this northern course on the
12th, and arrived on the 13th, off the north-eastern
part of Spitzbergen ; that part of the country, to
which Barents and his companions had more parti-
cularly applied the name of Nieidand, or the land under
80 degrees. From the 13th to the 15th of July, Hud-
son sailed eastwards along the northern coast, explor-
ing some of its fiords, islands and harbours, and giving
the names of Hakluyt's Headland, Colin's Cape, and
Whale Bay, to three localities. Of these names the
first only has been preserved on charts. Whether

clxXXViii INTRODUCTION.

the point now so called, and the one so named by
Hudson, are absolutely identical, cannot be shown
from the existing evidence. It does not appear
whether any of the sailors who accompanied Hudson
afterwards revisited Spitzbergen, and then recognised
the points marked out by him. This would be the
only satisfactory manner of establishing such an
identity of place, as latitudes, longitudes, and dead
reckoning, as well as the charts based upon them, are
all equally deceptive.

The 23rd of July, Hudson was by observation in
latitude 80° 23', the highest observation ever made
by him. After two more days of north-eastern sail-
ing, he reckoned himself to be in latitude 81°. Much
doubt has, with good reason, been thrown on this
assertion of Henry Hudson. The localities which he
described do not bear it out, and considerable mis-
takes are likely to have occurred to a man judging by
his dead reckoning only, without knowing the
currents that set in those parts. Sir Edward Parry
vainly tried, in this very region, to make head
against a violent north-easterly current, which
eventually frustrated his boat- sledge expedition
towards the North Pole.

This current may have deceived our navigator. On
the 16th he believed that he saw land, "trending north
in our sight, by means of the clearness of the weather,
stretching far into 82°, and by the bowing or
shewing of the skie much further." It is unfortunately
now impossible to say how far he was right or wrong-
in these estimates; nor to point out the exact spot he

INTRODUCTION. clxxxix

reached, and it would lead to nothing were we to build
some futile theory on the loose evidence at our dis-
posal. Hudson's own conclusion was : " that between
78 degrees and a half and 82 degrees by this way,
there is no passage"; a conclusion which is practically
correct, though geographically somewhat exaggerated.

He returned westwards on the 1 6th of July, was
tlie same day near Collin's Cape, and seems to have
rounded the north-eastern peninsula of Spitzbergen
the following or the next day. The 20th of July, he
had already sailed some distance down the west coast,
and was entering Bell Sound, in latitude 77° 26',
which he explored. From the one-and-twentieth to
the five-and-twentieth, Hudson seems to have
hesitated, and to have been uncertain about his
future movements. We find him steering in various
directions without any apparent object ; nor can this
be wondered at, considering how new Spitzbergen
was to him. The chart he had with him indicated
scarcely more than the mere existence of these
remarkable islands.

On the five-and-twentieth we find Hudson near
the west coast, in 78°. He then again sailed north-
wards, and was on the seven- and-twentieth near
Collin's Cape, one of the points of the north coast,
discovered by him ten or eleven days before. The
same day he again returned to the south ; having first
ascertained that the ice barrier between Spitzbergen
and Greenland was as firm as it had been in June.
Otherwise he would have tried to pass through it, and
to return home by the north of Greenland, through

CXC ' INTRODUCTION.

Davis' Strait. The latter plan proves his ignorance
of the real conformation of Greenland ; a fact upon
which we have already had ample occasion to dwell.

Thus hemmed in on three sides, he was again
obliged to return to the south. He sailed southwards
along the whole west coast of the group ; from 80°
to 76° 30', during the last days of July. Having been
on the 28th, by observation, in latitude 76° 36*,
Hudson accounted himself, on the thirtieth, in lati-
tude 76°. He tells us, however, at the same time,
that he was then near the coast, which he describes
as mountainous. Now Spitzbergen does not reach
down farther than to 76° 30', and Hudson's latitude
was therefore faulty. This error was certainly in
part due to the currents to which we have alluded.
Yet it cannot have entirely arisen from that source.
Had the observation of the 28th been correct, and
had Hudson really then been only a few miles from
the southern point of Spitzbergen, this fact could not
possibly have escaped him during the two days he
remained in that neighbourhood. We then arrive at
the painful but complete conviction, that his observa-
tion also was faulty. It is of the greater importance
to ascertain this fact, because few only of Hudson's
latitudes can be tested in a similar manner.

Having left Spitzbergen, Hudson continued his
course, and arrived on the 31st of July off Bear or
Cherie Island. The home voyage, after the departure
from that spot, was accomplished in a month and a
half. The 15th of August Hudson reached the
Farocr Islands ; and exactly a month afterwards he

INTRODUCTION. CXCl

arrived at Tilbury in the Thames. So much we
learn from Playse's logbook. But we find too good
reason to regret the loss of Hudson's own journal,
from which the following notice^ has been extracted :

** And in ranging homewards he discovered an island
lying in seventy-one degrees, which he called Hudson's
Tutches."

We have,in ournote to this passage, already observed
that there is but one island in latitude 71° which can
here be meant, namely, Jan May en ; and that Jan
Mayen in fact is identical with Hudson's Touches.
This opinion is still further confirmed by a document
which had then escaped our notice. We have ad-
verted to the claims to the first discovery of Spitzber-
gen advanced by the English and the Dutch. These
rival claims gave rise to armed struggles in the
Greenland M^aters, and in consequence of them, to
applications for protection, together with bitter
protests, and complaints addressed by the aggrieved
persons to their respective governments. Some of
these protests of the Muscovy Company have been pre-
served in the State-paper office ; and in one of them
we find the following passage :

" Further, William Johnsonne Millworth, captain of the
Angell of Home, certified us that the States had given the
country of Greenland unto the Zealanders, and Hudsoi's
Touches, and those islands adjoining, unto the Hollanders to
fish therein, warning them that they should not come within
the privileges of each other, and that they were animated and
urged by the States themselves for their fishing voyage this
yeare 1618, otherwise they had not attempted it."

1 P. 146.

CXCll INTRODUCTION.

This testimony of Johnsonne Millwoith is borne
out by the facts of the case. The States General of
the United Provinces had, in 1617, granted the
fisheries of Jan Mayen to the Hollanders, excluding
the Zealanders from them. It is, besides, very
remarkable that we find on Jan Mayen, almost
exactly in latitude 71°, a point called by Dr. Scoresby
Hudson s point. Anyone acquainted with the writing
of the period, will at once remember how easily an
H of that time could be read as an E,. The point was,
we may say certainly, called Hudson's point. Ano-
ther locality on Jan Mayen, namely, its north-eastern
cape, is called Youngs Foreland. James Young, one
of Hudson's companions, was the man who had first
espied the Greenland coast. The north-eastern cape
of Jan Mayen, is the very point which must have
first presented itself to Hudson's crew as the ship was
sailing home from Bear Island ; and the man who
first saw the Greenland shore was the most likely to
forestall here also, his less zealous, or less sharp -sighted
companions. There is no reason why the name of
Hudson s Touches should not be replaced on maps and
charts ; and the now meaningless Rudsons point,
might also be fairly restored to its original meaning,
and be called Hudson s point. The islands adjoining
Jan Mayen, are Egg Island to the south, and a num-
ber of small rocky islets scattered along the coasts.

Should the writer of the present pages have suc-
ceeded beyond his hopes in placing the geographical
notions of Hudson's time, and the anterior endeavours
in search of a passage, clearly before the reader's

INTRODUCTION. CXCllI

eye ; it would then be easy to explain to the reader
the original plan of Hudson's first voyage, and the
ideas which the experience collected in the course
of it, developed in his mind.

Hudson first started with the plan of sailing straight
across the North Pole, by the north of the Engrone-
land of the Zeni. He found that land stretching
farther eastwards than he expected ; and joining it,
he found a firm barrier of ice, which offered no
opening in its whole breadth between Greenland and
Spitzbergen. This barrier Hudson sailed along,
vainly spying out for a passage to the Pole. "When he
had reached the neighbourhood of Spitzbergen, he
knew well that he was near the country discovered by
Barents in 1596, and he was looking out for some of
the points noted by that navigator. But though
Barents' explorations had been so far useful to Hud-
son, they had not been chronicled with sufficient
accuracy, to enable Hudson to recognize beforehand
the real conformation of Spitzbergen. There seemed
to exist a hope of passing through what has since
been proved to be a firm body of land ; or at least by
the north of it. These attempts Hudson made ; and he
left no means untried which seemed to off'er a hope of
succeeding in this really hopeless undertaking. When
he had at last recognized how hopeless it was, he once
more sailed northwards to the great ice barrier, with
the intention of finding a way by the north of
Engroneland to the west ; and of thus entering Davis'
Strait by a northern route. He soon perceived that
this undertaking, too, off'ered no chance of success, at

CXCIV INTRODUCTION.

least, if begun in the neighbourhood of Spitzbergen ;
so he sailed again to the south. It is not unlikely that
he renewed the attempt in a lower latitude, and
nearer Greenland, on his homeward voyage ; and that
he arrived in this manner in the somewhat too
westerly longitude, in which Jan Mayen and the
Faroer Islands are situated. The discovery of the
former island was made by chance.

In the course of this voyage Hudson made two
observations, the one interesting, the other of the
highest importance. The first observation is that of
the changing colour of the sea near Spitzbergen. He
found it sometimes blue, sometimes green, sometimes
dark, sometimes clear and transparent. "The colour of
the Greenland sea varies from ultramarine blue," says
Dr. Scoresby, " to olive green ; and from the most pure
transparency to striking opacity. These appearances
are not transitory but permanent ; not depending on
the state of the w^eather, but on the quality of the
water. Hudson, when he visited this quarter in 1607,
noticed the changes in the colour of the sea, and
made the observation that the sea was blue where
there was ice, and green where it was most open.
This circumstance, however, was merely accidental."

The other observation is that of the existence of a
vast number of whales and morses in the waters Hud-
son had visited. This observation raised Spitzber-
gen and Jan Mayen Island to the importance which
they have since assumed.

Hudson's second voyage offers fewer subjects for
comment than tlie first. Its plan is very simple.

INTRODUCTION. CXCV

Having found by experience the impractibility of
Robert Thome's scheme, Hudson now followed in
the track of those of his predecessors who had tried
to find a way to China by the north east. But he
was acquainted with their failures as well as with
their hopes, and he knew the difficulties which a
passage through or beyond the Nova Zembla group,
and then through the Kara Sea, presented. Three
chances for passing beyond or through Nova Zembla
seemed to exist, namely, to sail through Vaigats
Straits, south of Nova Zembla ; to pass by the north of
the group, as Barents had done ; and thirdly, to pass
through the group by way of Costin Shar, a bay which
appeared on Barents' chart as a strait. Hudson was
ignorant of the existence of the real straits between
those islands. His plan then was either to go by
the north or by the south of Nova Zembla, or through
Costin Shar. Should he thus succeed in entering
the Sea of Kara (which he calls the Sea of Tartary),
he would, according to his notions, have had two
farther stages to reach or pass ; first, the mouth of
the Oby ; then Cape Tabin. He knew that this
would not be easy, but he was fully prepared to
encounter the dangers of what he considered as a
short though severe struggle. Beyond Cape Tabin
the way to China seemed to him perfectly smooth.

The second expedition, then, consists of the follow-
ing parts. Hudson's voyage out until he arrived in
latitude 75° 24', between Spitzbergen and Nova
Zembla (April 22nd to June 11th, 1608): his vain
attempts to pass to the north-east beyond the Nova

CXCVl INTRODUCTION.

Zembla group, and his struggles with the ice, where
he sometimes gains, sometimes loses a few minutes of
latitude (June 18th to 23rd) : the voyage south-
wards along the group, but not always near its shore
(June 24th to 29th) : exploration of Costin Shar,
and discovery that it is a bay, not a strait (June 29th
to July 6th) : the voyage home (July 6th to August
26th). As to the voyage through the Vaigats Strait,
the chance still left open in that quarter, Hudson says
that for it he was not " fitted to trie or prove."

We call the reader's particular attention to a
passage near the end of the logbook, entered under
the 7th of August. Hudson must at that time
have been about in latitude 62° or 63°, not very
far from the south of Greenland, and therefore per-
fectly able to enter into Davis' Strait before the
close of the season. He says that he for a moment
intended to do so, in order to sail a hundred leagues
either into Lumley's Inlet (Frobisher's Strait) or into
The Furious Overfall (Hudson's Strait) ; but that
he sacrificed his ambition to his duty. This notice,
curious in itself, is doubly so as an answer to the
calumny of Luke Foxe, who attributes to Col-
burne the plan for Hudson's fourth voyage ; whilst
it here clearly appears that already in 1608, two
years before the fourth voyage, Hudson's mind was
bent upon the schemes which that undertaking was
intended to realize.

The number and variety of the papers which illus-
trate the third voyage make our task of introducing
them a somewhat difficult one. Besides, since the

INTRODUCTION. CXCVll

first pages of the present introduction were printed,
a most important addition has been made to the
documents in our collection ; consisting of the letter
of President Jeannin to Henry IV of France,^ which
will be found in the Appendix. It very fortunately
happens, that the observations which we shall have
to offer as an introduction to that state paper, will at
the same time throw a light on the circumstances in
which Hudson was placed during his stay in Holland
previous to his departure for the third expedition.

The Negociations of President Jeannin, from which
our extract is taken, are reckoned among the classical
Memoires Historiques ; a class of writings equally
distinguished by the position of the authors, the ele-
gance of their language, and the importance of the
information they furnish. In all these respects Pre-
sident Jeannin's Negociations occupy a very high
rank. The main portion of that work consists of
letters addressed to Henry IV of France, in the
years 1608 and 1609, mostly from the Hague and
from Antwerp. Jeannin had been sent to the Nether-
lands to negociate, together with the representatives
of other nations, a treaty of peace, or at least a truce
between Spain and those of its revolted provinces
which had long, in fact, enjoyed that independence

' This document is indicated in Mr. Berg van Dussen Muilkerk's
Bijdraegen tot de Geschiedenis onzer Kolonizatie in Noord- America.
We have above (p. Ivii) adverted to this book ; but from memory
only, and not with sufficient justice. It is very gratifying to be
able now to acknowledge our obligations to that remarkable work,
which compresses a vast amount of new research into an incredi-
bly small space.

CXCVlll INTRODUCTION.

which was now to be confirmed by a treaty. It was
in the midst of this negociation, in January 1609,
that an indirect intercourse was established between
Hudson and Jeannin. To explain the origin and
issue of that intercourse, as well as the motives of the
men who acted as mediators between the navigator
and the diplomatist, we must throw a brief glance at
the political movements in which Jeannin was mixed
up, and especially at the difficulties which he had to
overcome in negociating the treaty.

These difficulties did not alone, nor perhaps even
mainly, consist in the pride of the Spaniards. Their
foes, the inhabitants of the northern provinces, were
far from united in the wish to make peace, at least
on the conditions that could then be obtained. The
feelings of the majority in the free provinces were
not unlike those which lately animated the whole of
Italy during the negociation of the peace of Zurich,
when it was considered a disgrace to secure Lom-
bardy from the House of Hapsburg at the price of
the confirmed slavery of another and more important
district. But in the Netherlands the position, though
similar was not alike. There existed in some of the
free provinces a peace party, powerful in every re-
spect except in numbers, which was animated by
selfish motives, such as have not come to light in the
late Italian struggles. This peace party consisted
principally of the powerful families which had made
the civic dignities in the towns of Holland heredi-
tary among themselves ; who composed, as delegates
from these towns, the estates of Holland, and who

INTRODUCTION. CXCIX

thus swayed the United Provinces. They were
strongly interested in preventing the departure of
the rich and active Belgian emigrants, whom a con-
tinued and successful war might have carried home
in triumph. They also wished that Antwerp should
not again rise to its former importance. The resto-
ration of the other parts of Belgium would likewise
have destroyed the preeminence of Holland. Peace
and the status quo were therefore their great objects.
This peace party, which was headed by Oldenbar-
nevelt and counted Hugo Grotius among its leaders,
is better known as the Republican or Arminian
party. Republican it was called because it desired
to keep the rule of the country to itself. The name
of Arminius had been adopted a few years before,
when that divine had published some maxims of
church government suited to the tastes and interests
of these Repubticans. The Arminian doctrine, which
also contained some theological principles opposed to
strict Calvinism, became the standard round which
the RejnMicans gathered. It counted scarcely any
adherents except among them.

The opposition of the Republicans to strict
Calvinism, was no accidental circumstance in their
policy. The party whom they opposed was headed by
the Belgian emigrants, who desired to continue the
war until their own country should be freed from the
Spanish yoke ; and again, at the head of the Belgian
emigrants, stood the Calvinistic clergymen ; among
whom such men as Peter Plancius, and others of a
similar stamp, appeared. These divines and preachers

CC INTRODUCTION.

exercised a most powerful influence over the great
mass of the people, who were besides naturally op-
posed to the " municipal families," whose tyranny
and arrogance they hated. The Belgian party found
another ally besides these lower classes, in the Prince
Maurice of Orange, the most illustrious warrior of the
age, whose every hope was connected with the con-
tinuance of the struggle. Thus the war party was
generally termed the Calvinistic, or the Orange
party.

The two political parties which we have tried to
sketch, vied with each other to obtain Henry Hud-
son's services. This happened in the following man-
ner. We have above spoken of the first efforts made
at the end of the sixteenth century by the Dutch, to
establish transatlantic commerce ; and we have seen
that they entirely obeyed in this respect the impulse
given by the Belgian emigrants. A few years had
been sufficient to produce the most important con-
sequences from these beginnings ; and it was soon
apparent that transatlantic commerce would form the
foundation of the prosperity of the Dutch Republic.

It was then most strongly the interest of the ruling
Arminian party not to let so powerful a lever remain
in the hands of the Belgians, their antagonists. The
great chief of the Arminians, John Oldenbarnevelt,
therefore contrived to place the direction of the East
India trade in the hands of his own partisans ; and
he founded for this purpose in 1602, the privileged
East India Company, the directors of which were,
almost exclusively, taken from among the so-called

INTRODUCTION. CCI

Republicans, and wliicli, in after times, always made
common cause with them.

This East India Company had a privilege to trade
by the ordinary route, round the Cape of Good
Hope. Many of the Belgians, on the other hand, still
adhered to their own old scheme, of which Peter
Plancius was the representative, namely, that of a
short north-eastern route to China. They besides
endeavoured to establish a West India Company,
under the direction of William Usselincx, and on the
principle of which we have spoken above, namely,
that of driving the Spaniards from America, and out
of the American waters ; and so to cripple their
resources. This idea, and still more the aim for the
sake of which it was entertained, were strongly at
variance with the wishes and interests of the peace
party.

These indications will enable us to place in chro-
nological order, all the data that are bearing on
Hudson's sojourn in Holland. We must then leave it
to the reader to connect these pieces of evidence, and
to form out of them a complete picture, which may
easily be done by supplying such details, historical
and local, as can be procured in abundance from
various sources. As to our own chronological
arrangement, it will perhaps be best not to confine
it to Hudson's stay in Holland, but to extend
it over the other main points of the third voyage.
We give for this purpose the following synoptical
table.

del

ceil

INTRODUCTION.

FACTS.

DATES.

DOCUMENTS.

PAGES.

Hudson called by the privileged

East India Company

Uncertain

Jeannin

Hudson's arrival in Holland

Unc.(iGOS)'

■ — . —

247

Conferences with the East India

Uncertain

Company begin

(1608)

Jeannin

247

Personal intercourse with Plan-

Treatise of Iver

cius begins . . - -

1008'

Boty

230

Conversations with Plancius

Uncertain

Hessel Gerritz

181, 180,
187, 191

Intercourse with Jodocus Hon-

Uncertain

Iver Boty, Hon-

230

dius

dius' map

Hudson's proposals rejected for

Jan. 1009

Jeannin

249

the present by the E. I. Comp. Ar-

rangements for employment in

KilO - - - - -

Belgians seize the opportunity.

Jan. 1000

Jeannin

250

Le Maire acquainted with Hud-

son. Le Maire proposes to Jeannin

to form a rival E. I. Comp. under

Henry IV's protection, and to

engage Hudson as captain

Peter Plancius calls on Jeannin -

Jan. 1000

Jeannin

250

E. I. Comp. alarmed by Le Maire's

Jan. 100!)

Jeannin

253

opposition, determine to send

Hudson at once

Usselincx's intercourse with Jean-

Jan. 1000

Jeannin

325

nin . . . . -

Zealand Chamber refuses to send

Uncertain

Lambiechtsen

104

Hudson - . - - -

Amsterdam Chamber do so by

Uncertain

Lambrechtsen

104

themselves . . . .

H. starts with two vessels, thej

Apr.G,lG09

Larabrechtsen,

cciii, 254

Good Hope and the Half Moon i

Apr.O,100lJ

Bi-odhead

HaZ/il/ooit a Vlie Boat

— —

Van Metereu

147

Reaches the North Cape

May 5,1009

Juet, V. Meteren

45,147

Voyage to Nova Zembla, mutiny,

May 5-14

V. Meteren

147,148

returns

Arrival at the North Cape on

May 19

Juet

their return - . . .

Arrival at Faroe Islands

May 30

Juet, V. Meteren

48, 149

Arrival near Nova Scotia coast -

June 22

Juet

They land (44° 1') to cut a fore

July 19

Juet,v.M.,DeLaet

00, 1-49,

mast; quarrels with natives

155

They arrive at Barnstaple penin-

May 2

J. V. M., De L.

04, 150,

sula ------

155

They arrive in 37° 45' (Virginia

May 13

Juet, v. Meteren

09, 150

Coast)

Chesapeake Bay - . - .

Aug. 27

Juet, De Laet

73, 150

^ This date (1609) may, however, according to the calendar
then in use, refer to the iirst months of 1G09. Hudson's arrival in
Holland can therefore not positively be stated to have taken place
before January 1G09.

INTRODUCTION.

CClll

FACTS.

Delaware Bay
Hudson's River -

In latitude 42° IS'Hudsnn lands
Scene of Drunkenness

Leave Hudson's River
Dissensions during the voyage
home - - - . " .

Arrival in England
Hudson retained in England
Return of the Half Moon -

DATES.

DOCUMENTS.

Aug. 28
Sept. 2

Sept. 17

Sept. J8
Sept. 20

Oct. 4

Nov. 7

Jan. 1010

Jufy 1.5,

1010

Juet, De Laet
Juet,v.M.,DeLaet

Juet,Hudson,D.L.

Juet, De Laet
Juet, Heckewel-

der, Barton

Juet, V. Meteren

V. Meteren

Juet, V. Meteren
V. Meteren
Brodhead

PAGES.

74, 1.57
70,150,

157

84,150,15

85, 101

W5, 174,

170
92, 151

151

93, 152

153

S.m/.p.

To complete our introduction to the third vovao-e
we have to add some remarks on several isolated
points, that either present a particular interest or
require special attention.

AVe find in Lambrechtsen, that Hudson was sent
out by the Amsterdam Chamber of the East India
Company, against the will of the Middelburg Cham-
ber. The Chamhers of which the Dutch East India
Company was composed had each a separate exist-
ence. The whole company, in fact, did not form so
homogeneous a body as English companies of the
present day, but may rather be called a confedera-
tion of several societies. Each of the provinces along
the sea shore had a chamber or society of its own,
governed by its own committee of directors. Out
of these provincial committees a central council of
seventeen members was chosen, who are ircncrally
termed The Seventeen. The action of this general
council resembled that of the delegates of a political
confederacy, and did not destroy the individual action
of the provincial chambers. To say more on this

CCIV INTRODUCTION.

complicated question would lead us too far. We
must, however, advert to another statement of Lam-
brechtsen, which had unfortunately been omitted
in the English translation we made use of for our
extracts from his book. This statement is contained
in one of his foot notes, and is couched in the fol-
lowing words : " In the minutes of the Council of
the xvii this yacht (the yacht Hudson sailed in)
is called the Good IIopeT^ From these words we
learn, first that Lambrechtsen used an original MS.
description of Hudson's voyage, which he found in-
serted in the Minutes of the Seventeen. We further
learn that the name of Hudson's vessel was the Good
Hope. It is, however, stated by an equally unques-
tionable authority that Hudson's vessel was called
the Half Moon.^ The most natural solution of this
apparent contradiction is, that Hudson had with him
two vessels, the one called the Half Moon., the other
the Good Hope. It is not known what became of the
latter vessel. She may have returned after the mutiny
near Nova Zembla. The main part of the voyage
was certainly performed in the Half Moon alone.

The crew of the vessel — or vessels — under Hud-
son's orders consisted partly of Dutchmen, partly of
Englishmen. As to the Dutchmen, there is strong
reason to believe that they were sailors in the regular
service of the East India Company, whose engage-

^ In dc Notulcn van dc Vergadeiingc van de xvii wordt dit
Jagt de Goede Hoop gendemt.

^ Brodhead, from a sliip book found in tlio East India Archives
at Amsterdam.

INTRODUCTION. CCV

ment had been made without Hudson's intervention.
We learn that Hudson, after his return, requested
the East India Company to exchange some of his
sailors for others, so as to enable him to start again
with a more obedient crew. This request would
never have been made had these men been entirely
dependent upon him. Their mutinous spirit and
their quarrels with their English companions must
be attributed to his want .of control over them.
Among the Dutch sailors was also Hudson's mate,
as Van Meteren expressly states. We have already
observed, that several writers have thought, that
Kobert Juet was that Dutch mate; and we have
added that this is not our opinion. This is still
further confirmed by the following fact : Juet always
speaks of himself in the first person. He has more
than once occasion to do so ; he was an able astro-
nomer ; and we find him repeatedly calculating lati-
tudes by the height of the stars ; a kind of obser-
vation which Hudson himself seems never to have
attempted. Now Juet tells us distinctly that " the
master's mate" explored the most northern part of
Hudson River, and that the " master and his mate"
" succeeded in making one of the Indians drunk.
The person here twice referred to was then not the
author of the Journal. Juet was, what he appears
from all the other circumstances to have been,
namely, an Englishman. John Colman, also one of
Hudson's former companions, is the only other
Englishman on board the Half Moon whose name is
mentioned in our sources. It is unknown what rank
these two men held on board the vessel.

CCVl INTRODUCTION.

Hudson in 1609 originally intended to continue
the north-eastern search begun by him the year
before. His plan probably was to pass through
Vaigats Strait ; a route which he had been unable
to follow in 1608. He had already arrived near
Nova Zembla when a mutiny broke out among his
crew. They refused to proceed any further through
the ice. After some discussions, it was decided that
they were to sail westward, and to search for a passage
through America, in latitude 40°. " This idea," says
Van Meteren, from whom we learn these facts, " had
been suggested to Hudson by some letters and maps
which his friend Captain Smith had sent him from
Virginia ; and by which he informed him that there
was a sea leading into the Western Ocean by the
north of the southern English colony (Virginia)."
We have already stated that, in Hakluyt's Divers
Voyages^ a map is to be found, copied by Lok from
Verazzano, in which the American continent in the
latitude here indicated appears as a narrow strip of
land separating the Atlantic from the Pacific. This
was most probably one of the maps sent by Smith.
Another one of his maps may have been based on
Ribeiro's planisphere, which indicates in those parts
some broad openings in the coast. John Smith had
moreover lived a long time among the American
Indians. The tribes of all these immense tracts of
country are known to belong to the same stock, and
to entertain friendly or hostile intercourse. By them
Smith must have been informed of the existence of
the great lakes, which may well have been repre-

INTRODUCTION. CCVll

sented to him as parts of the ocean. Hessel Gerritz
at least received from that same source, though in-
directly, this same deceptive intelligence.^ These
materials seem to have been combined in Smith's
communications, so as to suggest the existence of an
easy passage through the American continent, open-
ing on its eastern side somewhere between the 37th
and 41st degrees of latitude. The search for such a
passage is the only purpose 4;hat can be ascribed to
Hudson's rambling course along those shores.

Juet makes no mention of the voyage to Nova
Zembla, nor of the mutiny, in which perhaps he
played a part. He suppresses in a most artful
manner the events of the memorable fortnight, from
the fifth to the nineteenth of May. But under the
latter date, Tuesday, the nineteenth of Maij, 1609, we
find in his Journal a notice which amply com-
pensates us for this loss. The following are his
words : Then ive observed the sunne having a slacJce.
\\Q have in our note to this passage, tried to show
that a slucJc means a spot ; and that therefore sun
spots were observed on board the Ilatf Moon more
than a year and a half before what is generally con-
sidered the first observation of that phenomenon.

The next remark which we have to make applies
to a passage in Juet's logbook, where there seems to
be either a clerical or a typographical error. We
allude to his entry under the eighteenth of Septem-
ber: " In the after-noone our master's mate went on
land with an old savage, a governor of the countrey,

1 P. 185.

CCVlll INTRODUCTION.

etc." Instead of our masters viate, we must read our
master, locality and circumstances being exactly the
same which are described by De Laet as belonging to
Hudson's visit on shore. Juet's account contains no
other mention of that visit. These are all the promi-
nent points we had to note.

To conclude this part of our introduction, we have
but to add a few observations on what happened
after Hudson's return and on the consequences of his
third voyage. The circumstances of his return, the
strange embargo laid upon his person by the English
government, and his correspondence with the East
India Company, are related by Van Meteren. No-
thing can be, nor need be, added to the details which
he furnishes. The Half Moon returned to Amsterdam
in July 1610, as will be seen in the note from Mr.
Brodhead's work, which is to be found in the appen-
dix to the present volume.

William Smith, the author of a very defective his-
tory of New York, says that a right to occupy the
banks of Hudson river was sold to the Dutch by the
discoverer. This story, which is not only untrue,
but is contrary to all possibility of international law,
has been invented to furnish a connecting link be-
tween Hudson's discovery for the Dutch, and the
colonization of those very quarters by that same
nation. Such a connecting link exists, but it is of a
different nature from the one imagined by Smith.

It might at first sight have been expected that the
directors of the East India Company would liave fol-
lowed up the discovery made in one of their vessels.

INTRODUCTION. CCIX

Nothing, however, was further from their thoughts ;
North American trade was advocated by the Belgians,
their poUtical adversaries. This was a sufficient
motive for them not to favour it ; and the East India
Company never claimed any of the advantages which
Hudson's discovery soon began to yield. But some
other Dutchmen, following in Hudson's footsteps,
began to trade in furs with the natives, and then to
build a fort on Manhattan island, in Hudson river.
The fort became the germ of a village, the village
became a town. The town was first called New
Amsterdam. Its name now is New York.

The last events narrated by Van Meteren took
place in January, 1610. Then already it was ru-
moured that Hudson would again be sent out by an
English company. Soon afterwards an arrangement
of this kind must have been definitively made. The
names of Hudson's three principal employers are to
be found in Purchas' Pilgrimage} They are all now
inscribed on some well known localities in the Arctic
regions. Sir Thomas Smith's name has been given
to what was called a sound, north of Baffin's Bay ; but
is now known to be a strait, leading into the northern
waters. Cape AVolstenholme and Cape Diggs form
the entrance to Hudson's Bay.

The plan which gave rise to this fourth voyage
had long been present to Hudson's mind. Already,
in September 1608, he had intended to search for a
passage through the strait which he was now going

^ The names of all his employers will be found in the extract
from the charter granted to Button's employers, at the end of the
appendix.

ccx

INTRODUCTION.

to explore. He had earnestly discussed that same
plan with Peter Plancius in 1608 and 1609, and had
been confirmed in his resolution by George Wey-
mouth's experience, which Plancius had communi-
cated to him ; although this passionate advocate of
the north-eastern search had tried to dissuade Hud-
son from his north-western undertaking. On the
seventeenth of April, 1610, Hudson started from
London. As to the events of his voyage, they are
described in the different papers that have come
down to us ; and we have tried to render these docu-
ments more clearly intelligible by our notes. Still
there is so much difficulty in the geographical in-
vestigation of this voyage, that we cannot hope to
make the reader's path quite easy, even by the assist-
ance which our notes may afford, and by the
synoptical arrangement of the materials, to which the
following table is devoted.

FACTS.

DATES.

DOCUMENTS.

PAGES.
140

Names of Adventurers. Vessel -

Purchas

Departure ....

April 17,

1010

Ap.22,1610

H., Pr.

98, 90

Colburn sent back

H., Pr., Foxe

93,98,180

Westman Islands

May 15

H., Pr.

94, 98

Oflf Iceland . . . -

Maylft,:JO

H., Pr.

94, 99

Breda Bay (Lousie Bay), Hud-

May 30

H. H.'s letter. Pr.

94, 90,

son's letter ... -

Purch.

133, 140

Departure from Iceland

Junel

H., Pr.

94,99

Greenland E. 05° (Groneland) -

June 4, 5

H., Pr.

94, 99

Greenland E. 03° (Frobisher's

June 9

Strait) . . - - .

Cape Farewell (Desolation)

June 15

H., Pr., Purch.

95,99.140

Greenland S.W. 00° 42' (Desola-

June 20

tion)

Eesolution Island

June 24

H., Pr.

95, 100

Ungava Bay, S.E. 5!)° IC -

July 5

^Mutiny

JubO,7(?)

Pr.

101

Akpatok (Desire Provoketh)

July 8

H., Pr.

95, 102

Saddle Back Islands( God's Mercy)

July 11

H., Pr.

90, 103

Jackman's Sound

(?)

Pr.

103

INTRODUCTION.

CCXl

FACTS.

DATES.

DOCUMENTS.

PAGES.

Ungava B. S.W. 58° 50'

July 1 0

Long Island (Hold with Hope) -

Jufv 19

Soutliern shore of Hudson's

Strait, from Hojje Advance Bay

to Deception Bay (Magna Bri-

tannia, Prince Henry's Cajje,

90,97,

King James Cape) -

July 20-31

H., Pr.

104, 105

Northern shore, N. of Charles Is.

Aug. 1

H., Pr.

97,105,100

Salisliury Island

Aug. 2

H., Pr.

97,100

Cape Wolstenliolme, Cape Diggs

Aug. 3

H., Pr.

97,100

Voyage down the east coast of

Aug. 4,

Pr.

105-110

Hudson's Bay - - . .

Oct. 31

Juet's trial - - . . .

Sept.'lO

Wydhouse

130-138

Wintering in James Bay -

Nov.3,]ClO,

Pr.jHess. Gerr.

110-110,

Jue.l8,lCll

184-7,192

Antiscorbutic medicine

Dec. 1010

Pr., Purch.

114, 141

Visit of a savage ...

(?)

Pr.,Purch.,H.Gr.

114,142,

187, 193

Green's antecedents -

— —

Pr.

111-113

Departure from winter quarters -

Jue.l8,lCll

Pr.

116

Conspiracy — Hudson's exposure

Jue.21,1611

Pr.,Purch.,H.Ge.

117-123,

142, 184,

193

Voyage back to Diggs' Island

June 21-

Pr., Purch.

123-126,

July 25

142

Fight with Esquimaux near

July 29

Pr., Purch.

127-131,

Diggs' Island - - - .

143

Voyage home ....

July 30-

Pr., Purch.

131-135,

Sept. C

144

Eeturn .....

Sept.G,]6]l

Purch., H. Ger.

144, 188,
193

Imprisonment of conspirators -

(?)

H. Ger.

188, 193

Button sent out in search of

— —

H. Ger.

158,189,

Hudson

193

It will not be necessary to add any long comments
to this table. On reference to the documents, it will be
seen that the geographical information is to be found
almost exclusively in Hudson's own journal, and in
his chart, whilst the scenes and events of the voyage
form the main portion of Pricket's account. The
few pages which may be gathered from other sources
contain stray facts, the insertion of which our table
will facilitate. It will not be easy, even with the
assistance of the maps in the present volume, to

CCXU INTRODUCTION.

follow Hudson through the Strait. Few readers take
sufficient interest in such matters to attempt this
labour. To those who wish to undertake it, we re-
commend the Admiralty Chart of the Arctic regions
(1856) as a very useful guide.

The remaining part of Hudson's voyage, the ex-
ploration of Hudson's Bay, the wintering in James
Bay, the conspiracy of the crew, the exposure of
Hudson in an open shallop, are strikingly told by
Pricket. But his account, though very remarkable
as a narrative, is most unsatisfactory as a geogra-
phical record, and leaves almost every question of
this kind without a conclusive answer. We cannot
even fix the spot where Hudson wintered and where
he died. The wintering place which seems to
us the most likely is indicated in the map of his
voyages which accompanies this volume. The place
■where he was exposed cannot have been at a great
distance from his winter quarters, considering the
short time which elapsed between his departure and
that tragical event. But in this respect our uncer-
tainty is still greater.

The conspirators pleaded as an excuse for their
guilty deed, that Hudson had withheld some of the
victuals, storing them up in his own cabin ; and they
have tried to throw in this manner a blemish on his
character. But even if the charge be a true one,
Hudson's motives were certainly honourable; with
such men as he had under his orders it was dangerous
to deal openly. Their crime had no other cause than
the fear that he would continue his search and expose

INTRODUCTION. CCXUl

them to new privations ; and it seems that in pro-
viding for this emergency, he had even increased his
dangers. Another cahimny has ah'eady been dis-
proved ; and Hudson's character stands free from all
blemish.

Partly to search for Hudson, partly to improve his
discoveries, an expedition was sent out the following
year, under Sir Thomas Button. Allusion is made
to it by Hessel Gerritz ; and we have besides added,
at the end of the appendix, the contents of a charter
granted to the company by whom Button was sent
out. Those who risked their capital on that enter-
prise, firmly believed that Hudson had found an
opening for a commercial route to China and Japan.
Such was also the belief of Hessel Gerritz, of
Purchas, and of all those who first began to spread
Hudson's fame. This belief has now vanished, and
we know that all the attempts of Henry Hudson, in
the north, in the north-east, and in the north-west,
have proved complete failures.

Yet, Henry Hudson's name is not forgotten. It
is borne by his Strait and by the Bay in which he
wintered and died. It is inscribed on the vast ter-
ritory between the Bay and the Pacific Ocean. It is
aff"ectionately remembered by the millions of human
beings now living on those banks, which he found
scantily inhabited by savage races. Nor have his
labours been fruitless : he has given to his own
country the fisheries of Spitzbergen, and the fur trade
of the Hudson's Bay territories. The Dutch owed to
him their North- American colony, which has after-

CCXIV INTRODUCTION.

wards fallen into English hands ; and is now peopled
and ruled over by the united descendants of both
nations. Thus, in spite of his failures, Hudson has
erected himself a far prouder monument than he
would have dared to hope for. These successes may
well be held out as an encouragement to those, who,
like him, labour earnestly and steadfastly in some
great cause that may seem hopeless. Such labour is
never cast away, if only they, like Henry Hudson,
prescribe to themselves the rule : To achieve what

THEY HAVE UNDERTAKEN, OR ELSE, tO USC Ms OWU
words, TO give reason wherefore it will NOT BE.

Ill laying the present volume before the members
of the Hakluyt Society, the editor owes them more
than one explanation. The book has, long ago, been
announced as nearly ready. Mr. Hamilton, of the
manuscript department in the British Museum, was
then named as the editor, whom the writer of the
present pages was merely to assist by furnishing part
of the introduction. This arrangement was after-
wards rendered impossible, by the present editor's
leaving London, and retiring to the country. The
present editor had not at first the courage to ask Mr.
Hamilton to give up his rights. When he at last
did so, the request was most kindly and courteously
granted. But a delay of more than a year had
before taken place. It would be useless to enume-
rate the other causes of delay, except the principal
one ; namely the difficulty the editor felt in writing
English. This difficulty could never have been

INTRODUCTION. CCXV

surmounted without the extreme kindness of the
editor's friend, Mr. R. H. Major, who has examined
every line of the present book before it was sent to
the press. From this kindness, the editor has derived
more than passing benefits. The corrections became
fewer as the work proceeded, and have in its latter
half been limited to a few minutiae here and there.
Mr. Major has also taken upon himself the tedious
and ungrateful task of correcting the extracts from
Purchas. During the journey which the editor
undertook to inspect the Cabot map in Paris, he
received the kind attentions of the celebrated Mr.
Jomard, and of the equally distinguished scholar
to whom the present volume is dedicated. Mr.
Bouillet, the author of two justly esteemed manuals,
has also been kind enough to assist the editor in
tracing the Anskoeld Myth back to its origin. In
Holland the editor has been less fortunate ; yet he
has there received some kind assistance from Mr.
Frederic Muller in Amsterdam, and from Mr. Spanier,
the lithographer, at the Hague, to whom the excel-
lent copies from the two old Dutch charts are due.
He has especially to thank Mr. Campbell, the deputy
librarian at the Hague, for an act of very great
kindness, alluded to on p. xxxv of the present volume.

NOTES TO INTRODUCTION.

A., B.

The questions to which these two notes refer have been made the
subjects of special investigation, by the writer of the present pages,
whilst the book was going through the press, and by a new and
more accurate examination of the original documents he has been
induced to modify very considerably the opinions expressed in the
text. The following are the principal new views he has arrived at :

1. That Sebastian Cabot was born in Venice, not in Bristol;
that he arrived in England with his father when a child, and lived
here till he went out on his voj'ages.

2. That the voyages of the Scandinavians exercised no percepti-
ble influence upon John and Sebastian's opinions.

3. That John Cabot died most probably shortly after his son's
second departure.

4. That the discovery of Hudson's Strait in 1496 must be con-
cluded from Galvano's account, not from the spurious one of
Willes.

The editor is now preparing for the press a memoir on the
north-western voyages of the Cabots, in which these matters will
be more clearly explained than could be done in the short space
here afforded.

The notes on Cabot's map will be fovmd in the bibliographical
list, under Cabot.

The following are the sources which the editor has consulted :

I. As regards the Scandinavians, his notes are taken from Rafn's
celebrated work, where it is stated in various places that the re-

NOTES TO INTRODUCTION. CCXVU

miiining Icelandic documents respecting the north-western voyages
of the Scandinavians are extremely numerous, and belong to almost
every age, from the beginning of the voyages themselves down to
the sixteenth century ; so that it is evident how very familiar the
Icelanders must have been with these matters in Cabot's and
Columbus' time. This seems to us even more clearly proved by
the geographical manuals of the Icelanders than by the remain-
ing fragments of their ancient records. These geographical sys-
tems prove that the discovery of America, such as it presented
itself to their minds, formed part and parcel of their general ideas,
from which it can therefore not have been easily effaced. The
interesting extract which we give (at the end of the Appendix) is
taken from the Gripla, one of those geographical manuals which
would seem, if we understand Mr. Rafn right, to belong on exter-
nal evidence to the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the six-
teenth century. We cannot perceive the weight of the reasons
adduced by northern scholars for the fact, that on intrinsic evi-
dence the Gripla must be much anterior to Columbus' and Cabot's
voyages.

II. John Cahofs arrival in England. — Sebastian^s birth. Mis-
cellanies of the Philobiblon Society, ii. The paper on Cabot
quoted in our Bibliographical list, p. 262. Peter Martyr, p. 232.
Eden's Peter Martyr, p. 255.

III. Influence of the Scandinavians. This idea was principally
based on Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31), which we have since learnt
to consider as a compilation made up from Peter Martyr, and from
some fictions introduced by Gomara.

IV. First Voijar/e. Charter granted by Henry VII, Hakluyt, iii, 4.
Extract from Henry VII Book of Privy Purse, Biddle, Cabot, p.
80, note; Miscellanies of Philobiblon Society, as reprinted in
the text. Ramusio, Viaggi, v. i, p. 414, 415. (In the treatise on
Spices, edition quoted in our Bibl. List). The History and Anti-
quities of Bristol, p. 172. Cabot's Map; Chytraeus, p. 773 ; Hak-
luyt, iii, 5.

V. Events between First and Second Voijarje. Book of Privy
Purse, Cabot, p. 86. Ramusio, loco citato.

VI. Privilege granted to John Cabot, Biddle, Cabot, p. 76 ;
Hakluyt, iii, 5. f f

CCXVIU NOTES TO INTRODUCTION.

vii. Second Voyage. Fabian's Chronicle, a notice occurring in
three different shapes : a. Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, Appendix
specially devoted to Sebastian Cabot ; b. Stow, Annals, p. 481,
edition quoted in Bibliographical list ; the same before in Hol-
linshed Chronicle, edited by John Hooker, 1587 : date 1498 ;
c. Hakluyt, Collections, iii, p. 9. Peter Martyr, p. 232 ; Galvano,
p. 32; Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31); Willes (Hakluyt, iii, p, 25.)

Yiii. Third Voyage. Eden, Treatise of New India, 1553, Dedi-
cation ; Ramusio, Viaggi, iii, Introduction ; Thome's Letter to
Henry VIII, loco citato.

For the two Portuguese expeditions, see chapters i to iv in the
second book of Mr. Biddle's Cabot (pp. 225-248) and the docu-
ments quoted there ; and also, Discorso d'un Gran Capitano
Francese, Ramusio, iii, 423 b.

See Discorso d'un Gran Capitano Francese, Ramusio, iv, 423 b,
and Vincent Le Blanc, Voyages (Paris, 1648) iii" partie, p. 66.

DIVERS VOYAGES

NORTHERNE DISCOVERIES.

DIVERS VOYAGES AND NORTHERNE DISCOVERIES OP
THAT WORTHY IRRECOVERABLE DISCOVERER,

MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

HIS DISCOVERIE TOWARD THE NORTH POLE, SET FORTH AT THE CHARGE OF

CERTAINE WORSHIPFULL MERCHANTS OF LONDON, IN MAY 1(1U7.

WRITTEN PAIITLY BY JOHN PLAYSE, ONE OF THE COMPANY,

AND PARTLY BY H. HUDSON.

Anno 1607, Aprill the nineteenth, at Saint Ethelburgc, iu
Bishops Gate street, did communicate with the rest of the
parishioners these persons, seamen, purposing to goe to sea
foure dayes after, for to discover a passage by the North
Pole to Japan and China. First, Henry Hudson, master.
Secondly, "William Colines, his mate. Thirdly, James
Young. Fourthly, John Colman. Fiftly, John Cooke.
Sixtly, James Beubery. Seventhly, James Skrutton. Eightly,
John Pleyce, Ninthly, Thomas Baxter. Tenthly, Richard
Day. Eleventhly, James Knight. Twclfthly, John Hud-
son,^ a boy.

The first of May, 1607, we wayed anchor at Gravcsend, May.
and on Tuesday, the sixe and twentieth day, in the morn-
ing, we made the lies of Shotland,- and at noon we were in 'i)'"„"*'V''^
60 degrees 12 minutes, and sixe leagues to the eastward of

1 Sou of Henry Hudson. [Ed.] - Shetland. [Ed.]

2 MASTKIl IIKNRY HUDSON.

them : the compass had no variation. Wc had sixty-fonre
fathomcs at oui" sounding, blacke, ozie, sandie, with some
yellow shels. Our ship made more way than we did sup-
pose. On Saturday, the thirtieth of May, by our observa-
tion we Avere in 61 degrees 11 minutes. This day I found
the needle to incline 79 degrees under the horizon. For
'/jl','^"}"^,'^"'^' foure dayes space we made very little way by contrary

needle. • t

Winds.

June. Qj-^ Thursday, the fourth of June, we Avere, by our obser-

vation, still in 61 degrees and 14 minutes, eight and twcntie
or thirtie leagues from the norther part of Shothand : the
land bearing by our accompt east and by north off us. I
found variation in five degrees westerly.

The seventh of June, wee were in Qio degrees 25 minutes.
The eighth, all the forenoone we had a fresh gale southerly;
we steered away north and by west : and by observation

c5(iegices y^Q wcrc iu 65 dc^rees 27 minutes.

2?" minutes. '^

The eleventh, wee saw sixe or seven whales necre our
'ioMinutTs. shippc : we were in sixtie-seven degrees, thirtie minutes.
About five of the clocke, the winde came up at north-cast
and by east ; we steered away north north-west with a fresh
gale all the night at east. The tivclfth, the winde was at
east north-east, a stifTe gale ; Avee steered away as afore, and
accounted wee had runne by this day noone thirtie leagues.
In the after-noone we steered away north and by west
fiftecne leagues ; all the night proved a great fogge with
much wind.

The tldrteenth, betweene one and two in the morning, we
saw some land^ on head of us, and some ice ; and it being

^ Hudson arrives at the coast of Greenland, along which he sails until
the 22nd of .June. So much we learn from his remarks. But it is im-
possible to ascertain with exactness the situation of the places indicated,
or even to identify those named, such as Young's Cape, the JNIount
of God's Mercy, and Hold with Hope. His own statements are vague,
and the broad ice-fields, by which the coast has been encircled since his
time, have prevented modern investigators from furnishing ns with

FIRST VOYAGE (1607). 3

a tliicke fogge we steered aAvay northerly, and having much
wind, wee stood away south and by east six or eight leagues.
Our saylc and shroudes did freeze. At eight in the morn-
ing it cleered up, the wind being at north-east and by east,
Avith much wind wee were hardly able to maintayne a sayle.
This was a very high land, most part covered with snow.
The neather part was uncovered. At the top it looked
reddish, and underneath a blackish clay, with much ice
lying about it. The part which we saw when wee cast
about, trended east and west ; and the norther part which
we saw, trended north-cast and by north and north-east ;
and the length which wee saw was nine leagues : wee saw
much fowle. Also wee saw a whale close by the shoare.
Wee called the head-land Avhich we saw Younars Caiic ; and ^'o""o's

° ^ ' Cape.

neere it standcth a very high mount, like a round castle,
Avhich wee called the Mount of Gods Mercie. All the after- riio Mourn,

of Cods

noone and all the evening it rained. At eight in the even- wercie.
ing we cast about, and steered all night north and by west,
and sometimes north north-west.

The fourteenth, being neere the land, we had snow. At suow.
foure in the morning, the wind vering northerly, we cast
about and stood south-east and by south. This day wee had
much wind and raine : we shorted sayle, being neere the
land. T\i.Q fifteenth , in the morning, it blowed so much wind
at north-east, that wee were not able to maintayne any sayle ;
wee then strooke a hull, and let our ship drive, wayting for
a fitter wind : this night was very much raine. The sixteenth
was much Avind at north-east. The setentoenih, we set sayle
at noone, we steered away east and by south, and east south-
any correct outline. The contemporary maps give but little assistance ;
the ancient chart of the Zeni having been used as the basis for the de-
lineation of Greenland, and that chart, although superior to the gene-
rality of its time, is nevertheless very imperfect. When, as in the
account before us, we find various additional places incorporated into
it, we can, of course,. place but small reliance upon the real accuracy of
such materials, [l^d.]

4 MASTER HENRY HUDSON,

east. The eighteenth, in the afternoone, a fine gale south-
east, which toward the evening increased, and we steered
north-east three watches, twelve leagues. The ninetcentli,
we steered away north north-east sixteene leagues. At noone
wee had raine with foggc. From twelve to foure we steered
north north-cast eight leagues, and did account ourselves in
seventie degrees neerest hand, purposing to see whether the
land which we made the thirteenth day were an iland or
part of Groneland.' But then the fogge increased very
thicke, with much wind at south, which made us alter our
course and to shorten our sayle, and we steered away north-
east. Being then, as we supposed, in the meridian of the
same land, having no observation since the eleventh day,
and lying a hull from the fifteenth to the seventeenth day,
wee perceived a current setting to the south-west. This
day wee saw three whales neere our ship, and having steered
away north-east almost one watch, five leagues, the sea was
growne every way : we supposed wee were thwart of the
north-cast part of that land which we made the thirteenth
day, and the current setting to wind-ward. The reason that
mooved us to thinkc so, was, that after we had sayled five or
sixe leagues in this sea, the wind neither increasing nor
dulling, wee had a pleasant and smooth sea. All this night
was foggie with a good gale of wind ; we steered away north-
east untill the next day at noone, and sayled in that course
twentie leagues.

The twentieth, all the morning was a thicke fogge, with
the winde at south ; wee steered north-east till noone. Then

^ In the charts of this date, Greenland, as stated in the preceding note,
was laid down from the map of the Zeni, where it is called Encjroneland,
and from it the Groneland of Hudson is derived. We must not con-
found this with what he calls Greenland, by which he means the
Greodand of Earentz, that is to say, Spitzhergen. In short, it is worth
remembering, that wherever Hudson mentions Groneland, he intends
Greenland, and when he speaks of Greodand we must understand Sjniz-
berffcn. [Kd.]

FIKST VOYAGE (1607). 5

wc changed our course, and steered away north north-cast,

hoping for an open sea in our course to fall with the bodie

of Newland.' This day, at two in the aftcrnoone, it cleercd

up, and M'ee saw the sunne, which wee had not scene since

the second of this moneth. Having steered north north- Note.

east two watches and a halfe, fifteene or sixteene leagues,

wee saw land on our larboord, about four leagues off us, lamion

trending, as wee could ghess, north-east and south-west. ^'^°'''*

AVee steered away east north-east, the wind at south a good

o-ale, but reasonable clcere : wee saw many birds with blacke J^' 'V>

backes and white bellies, in forme much like a ducke, we

saw also many pieces of ice drivinar at the sea. We loofed ^^I'l'i'dnft

- i ~ lee.

for one and went roomer for another. And this morning, t^o^^^e^pdCse
about foure, a thicke fogge we saw ahead of us. roomw-,

mi 7 • 7 • 1 • 11 cout[i-ary].

Ihe owe and twentteth, m the morning, we steered north-
east and east north-east two watches, five or sixe leagues.
Then it grew thicke fogge. And we cast about, and steered
north-east and east north-east two w^atches, sixe leagues,
finding wee were embayed. The wind came at east south-
east a little gale : we tacked about and lay south. All this
night was a thicke fog with little winde, east we lay with the
stcmme.

The two and twentieth, in the morning, it cleered up,
being calme about two or three of the clocke : after, we had
a prettie gale, and we steered away east and by north three
leagues. Our observation was in 72 degrees 38 minutes ;
and changing our course wee steered north-east, the wind at

^ Nieuland is the name given to Spitzbergen by several of the Dutch
geographers, this the English afterwards converted into King James his
NeidaMd. The most general name for the country was, however, Green-
laud, originating from a mistaken notion respecting the northern terri-
tory discovered by the ancient Scandinavians. Tlie first who fell into
this mistake was Barentz. The name of Spitzbergen was invented by
flessel Gerard, in 1613, possibly on the authority of Barentz. Gerard,
however, refers the name to the year 1596. See Dr. Eekc's Introduc-
tion to De Vecr^ p. Ixxxvii. [Ed.]

6 MASTER HEMRY HUDSON.

south-east, a prcttic gale. This morning, when it cleered
up, we saw the land, trending neere hand east north-east
and west south-west, esteeming ourselves from it twelve
leagues. It was a mayne high-land, nothing at all covered
with snow ; and the north part of that mayne high-land was
very high mountaynes, but Ave could see no snow on them.
We accounted, by our observation, the part of the mayne
land lay neerest hand in 73 degrees. The many fogs and
calmes, with contrary winds and much ice neere the shoare,
held us from farther discovery of it. It may bee objected
against us as a fault, for haling so westerly a course. The
chiefe cause that moved us thereunto, was our desire to see
that part of Groneland, which (for ought that Ave know) Avas
to any Christian unknoAvne ; and Avee thought it might as
well have beene open sea as land, and by that meanes our
passage should have beene the larger to the Pole; and the
hope of having a westerly Avind, Avhich Avould be to us a
landerly Avind if Avee found land. And considering Avec
found land contrarie to that Avhich our cards make mention
of, we accounted our labour so much the more Avorth. And,
for ought that Avee could see, it is like to bee a good land,
and Avorth the seeing.

On the one and hventieth day, in the morning, Avhile we
steered our course north north-east, we thought we had
embayed ourselves, finding land on our larboord and ice
upon it, and many great pieces of drift ice : Ave steered away
north-east, Avith diligent looking out every cleere for land,
having a desire to know Avhether it would leave us to the
cast, both to know the bredth of the sea, and also to shape
a more northerly course. And considering Avee kncAV no
name given to this land, Avee thought good to name it Hold-
Avith-Hope, lying in 73 degrees of latitude.

The sunne Avas on the meridian on the south part of the
compasse, neerest hand. Hecre it is to bee noted, that Avhen
Ave made the Mount of Gods Mcrcie and Youngs Cape, the

FIRST VOYAGK (IGOT). 7

land was covered with snow for the most part, and extreame
cohl, when wee approached ncerc it : bnt this hvnd was
very temperate to our feeling. And this likewise is to he
noted, that being two dayes without observation, notwith-
standing our lying a hull by reason of much contrary wind,
yet our observation and dead-reckoning were within eight
leagues together, our shippe being before us eight leagues.
This night, untill next morning, prooved little winde.

The three and twentieth, in the morning, we had an hard
gale on head of us, with much rayne that fell in veiy great
drops, much like our thunder-showers in England ; wee
tacked about and stood east northerly with a short sayle ;
to our feeling it was not so cold as before we had it. It was
calme from noone to three of the clocke with fogge. After
the winde came up at east and east south-east, we steered
away north-east with the fogge and rayne. About seven or
eight of the clocke, the wind increased with extreame fogge,
wee steered away with short sayle east north-east and some-
times east and by north. About twelve at midnight the
wind came up at south-Avest ; we steered away north, being
reasonable cleere Aveather.

1l\\& four and twentieth, in the morning, about two of the
clocke, the masters mate thought he saAV land on the lar-
boord, trending north north-west westerly, and the longer
we ranne north the more it fell away to the west, and did
thinke it to bee a mayne high land. This day, the wind
being westerly, we steered away north, and by observation
we were in 73 degrees nearest hand. At noone we changed
our course, and steered away north and by east; and at our
last observation, and also at this, we found the meridian all
leeward on the south and by west, Avesterly part of the com-
passe, when we had sayled two watches, eight leagues.

The fixe and twentieth, the wind scanted and came
up at north north-west ; we lay north-east two watches, 8
leagues. After the Avind became variable betwecne the

O MASTER HF.NHY HUDSON.

north-east and the north, we steered away east and by north
and sometimes east; we had thicke fogge. About noone
three granpasses played about our shippe. This after-noone
the wind vered to the east and south-east : we haled away
north and by east. This night was close weather, but small
fogge (we use the word night for distinction of time, but
long before this the sunne was alway above the horizon, but
as yet we could never see him upon the meridian north.)

75 degrees. Xliis night, being by our accompt in the latitude of 75 de-
forces, we saw small flockes of birds, with blacke backes and
white bellies, and long speare tayles. We supposed that

farre off' land was not farre off; but we could not discrie any, with all
the diligence which we could use, being so close weather
that many times we could not see sixe or seven leagues off.

The sixe and twentieth, in the morning, was close wea-
ther ; we had our wind and held our course as afore. This

7fi degrees ^.^y q^^. observation was 76 degrees o'^ minutes ; and Ave

38 minutes. •' o ^

had birds of the same sort as afore, and divers other of that
colour, having red heads, that we saw when we first made
the Mount of Gods Mercy in Greenland, but not so many.
After we steered away north and by east, two watches, ten
leagues, with purpose to fall with the souther part of
Newland, accounting ourselves 10 or 12 leagues from the
land. Then wee stood away north-east, one watch, five
leagues.

The sei:en and twentieth, about one or two of the clocke
or Newlami i^ ^^ momiug, wc made Newland, being cleere weather on
discovered. ^^ ^^^ . |^^^ ^^^ X-dx^^ was covcrcd with fogge, the ice lying
very thick all along the shore for 15 or 16 leagues, which
we saw. Having faire wind wee coasted it in a very pleas-
ing smooth sea, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms
foure leagues from the slioare. This day, at noone, wee
ra degrees, accouutcd Ave were in 78 degrees, and we stood along the
slioare. This day was so foggie, that we were hardly able
to sec the land many times, but by our account we were

riKST VOVAOK (l()OT). 9

iiearc Vosrcl Hooke.' About ci<>ht of the clockc this cevcn- voo,.i

~ '^ Jlooko.

ing, we purposed to shape our course from thence north-
west. Heere is to bee noted, that although we ranne along
neere the shoare, we found no great cold ; which made us
thinke that if we had beene on shoore the place is temper- T.-nMu,.,aie

ayie.

ate. Holding this north-west course, about ten of the clocke
at night, we saw great store of ice on head off us, bearing
wester off us ; which wee could not goe cleere off with the
foresayd course. Then we tact about, and stood away be-
tweene the south and the south-east, as much desirous to
leave this land as Me were to see it.

The eiffht and twejiiiclh was a hard gale of wind all the
fore-noone, betweene the south and the south-west. We
shaped our course ' , we did it to bee

farther from the ice and land. It pleased God that about
twelve of the clocke this night it cleered up, and we found
that we were betweene the land and the ice ; Vogel Hooke
then bearing nearest hand east off us. Then we tacked
about and stood in for the shoare, having sea-roome be-
tween the ice and the land. Tlie ?ime and tioejitieih, at
foure in the morning the wind at north-east, a pretic gale,
we thought best to shorten our way ; so we tacked about
and stood north north-west, the •wind a little increasing.
About twelve at noone, we saw ice ahead off us ; we cast
about again and stood away east south-east with ver}^ much
wind, so that we shortned our sayles for the space of two

^ Vogel Hooke, (Vogel-hoeck) — Bird Cape. According to Dr. Bcke
(p. Ixxxvii), a point on the western coast of Spitzbergen. It is so
laid down in an old map, published in the " Begin en Voortgang
von de Nederlandsche Oostindische Compagnie," 4to, Amsterdam, 1646 ;
in the first part, containing the Voyages to the North, 1595 to 1597.
This a copy of an English map by Daniel, published in London, 1612,
but which we have not been able to find. Dr. Petermann assigns to
Vogel-hoeck quite a different place; but the scantiness of the materials
does not seem to us to warrant any decided opinion. [Ed.]

^ Blank in the original edition. [Ed.]

10 MASTKR IlKNRY HUDSON.

Avatclics, Then about eight this ecvening we strucke a hull,
and it proved the hardest storme that we had in this voy-
age. The thirtieth, in the morning, was stormie ; about noone
it ceased ; at seven in the eevening it proved almost calme.

July. T\veji7'st of Juhj, all the fore-noone the wind was at south-

east ; we stood north-east for the shoare, hoping to finde an
open sea betweene the shoare and the ice. About noone
wee were embayed with ice, lying betweene the land and us.

rs degrees By our observation we were in 78 degrees 42 minutes,

4x! minutes. ''

whereby we accounted we were thwart of the great In-
draught. And to free ourselves of the ice, we steered be-
tweene the south-east and south, and to the westward, as
we coidcl have sea ; and about six this eevening it pleased
God to give us cleere weather ; and we found we were shot
iiie great farro into the inlet, being almost a bay, and environed with

inlet.

very high niountaynes, with low land lying betweene them ;
wee had no ground in this bay at an hundred fathoms.
Then, being sure where we were, we steered away west, the
wind at south-east and calme, and found all our ice on the
norther shoare and a cleare sea to the sou.thward.

The second, it pleased God to give us the wind at north-
east, a faire gale with cleere weather, the ice being to the
northward off us, and the weather shoare, and an open sea
to the southwards under our lee. We held on our course
north-west till twelve of the clocke ; having sayled in that
course 10 leagues, and finding the ice to fall from us to the
,' we gave thankes to God who marvellously
preserved us from so many dangers amongst so huge a quan-
titie of ice and fogge. We steered away north-west, hoping
7fif]ep;rees to bc ixcQ from Ice ; we had observation 78 degrees, 56

fit) niimiles.

minutes ; we fell with ice againe, and trended it as it lay

betweene the west and south south-east. The third, Ave had

TMdoRrpps observation 78 degrees, 33 minutes. This day wee had our

yi! IJlililllrs. , .

shrouds frozen ; it was searching cold ; we also trended the
1 Blank in original edition. [Eil.]

FIRST VOYAGE (IGOT). 11

ice, not knowing whether we were cleare or not, the wind
being at north.

The fourth, was very cold, and our shroudes and sayles '''>'' ,
frozen ; we found we were farre in the inlet. The wind r,'o'^ J„.'^ ''^^
being at north, we bcare up and stood south south-east,
and south and south-west by west till ten this night. The
J{fi, was very niuch wind at north-easterly ; at twelve we
strooke a hull, havin<:j brought ourselves neare the mouth '^'i" "i""">
of the inlet.

The sixth, in the morning, the wind was as before, and the
sea growne. This morning we came into a very greene sea ;
we had our observation 77 degrees, 30 minutes. This after- 77 degreps

so minutes.

noone the wind and sea asswaged. About foure of the
clocke we set sayle, and steered north-west and by west, the
>vind being at north north-east. This day proved the clear-
est day we had long before. The sevetith, at foure in the
morning, was very cleare weather, and the fairest morning
that we saw in three weekes before ; we steered as afore,
beino^ by our account in 78 degrees nearest hand, and out of ;;"; f'sgrees

° *' O ' 'I he end ol

the Sacke. We found we were compassed in with land and ""^ ^''^''*^-
ice, and were agaiue entred into a blacke sea, which by proofe a wucke
we found to be an open passage. Now, having the wind at ^'="-
north north-east, we steered away south and by east, with
purpose to fall with the southcrmost part of this land, which
we saw ; hoping by this meane, either to defray the charge
of the voyage, or else, if it pleased God in time to give us a
faire wind to the north-east, to satisfie expectation. All this
day and night afterward proved calme.

The eight, all the forc-noone proved calme and very tliicke
fogge. This morning we saw many peeces of drift-wood J^^^'^'^j '•'■'""
drive by us ; we heaved out our boate to stop a leake, and
mended our riggings. This day wee saw many scales, and '^'^y
two fishes which we judged to bee sea-horses or morses. At ^''^''^'^^•
twelve this night we had the winde at east and by south ;
Avee stood away north-east.

12 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The ninth, all the fore-noone was little wind at south-east,
with tliicke fogge. This clay we were in amongst ilands of
ice, where we saw many scales.

The tenth, in the morning, was foggie ; afterward it
proved clecre ; we found we were compassed with ice every
Avay about us ; wee tacked about, and stood south and by
west, and south south-west, one watch, five leagues, hoping
to get more sea-roome and to stand for the north-east ; we
had the wind at north-west.
From hence '^^-^Q, eleventh, vcrv cleere weather, with the winde at

it seemeth ''

is taken out gouth-east-soutli : we were come out of the blue sea into our

01 lien. ^

rw^ne^notes. grccne sea againe, where we saw whales. Now, having a
fresh gale of wind at south south-east, it behooved mee to
change my course, and to sayle to the north-east, by the

Blue and southcr cud of Ncwlaud. But being come into a greene sea,

greene seas.

praying God to direct mee, I steered away north ten leagues.
After that we saw ice on our larboord, we steered away east
and by north three leagues, and left the ice behind us. Then
wee steered away north till noone. This day wee had the
sunne on the meridian south and by west, westerly, his
greatest height was o7 degrees, 20 minutes. By this ob-
ro degrees scrvatiou WO wcrc in 79 degrees, 17 minutes ; we had a fresh

17 minutes.

gale of wind and a smooth sea, by meanes whereof our ship
had out-runne us. At ten this eevening cleere weather, and
then we had the company of our troublesome neighbours,
ice with fogge. The wind was at south south-west. Heere
we saw plentie of scales, and we supposed beares had beene
heere, by their footing and dung upon the ice. This day.

Sick of inanv of mv companie were sickc with eating of bcarcs flesh

iui«aiied. t}^e ([r^y before unsalted.

The twelfth, for the most part, was thickc fogge ; wee
steered betwcene south and by east, and south south-east
2(5 leagues, to cleere us of the ice. Then we had the wind
at south ; wee steered till noone north-east five leagues. This
morning we had our shroudcs frozen. At noone, by our

FIRST VOYAGE (IGOT). 13

accompt, we were in 80 degrees, being little wind at west ^'^ degrees.
south-west, almost calme with thicke foggc. This after-
noone we steered away north and sometimes north-east.
Then Ave saw ice ahead off us ; we cast about and stood
south-east, with little wind and fogge. Before we cast about
by meanes of the thicke fogge, we were very neere ice, being
calme, and the sea setting on to the ice, which was very
dangerous. It pleased God at the very instant to give us a
small gale, which Avas the meanes of our deliverance ; to
Him be praise therefore. At twelve this night it cleared
up, and out of the top William Collins, our boatswaine,
saw the land, called Newland by the Hollanders, bearing ^-wiaud or
south south-west twelve leagues from us. Hoii'and«r!f

The thirteenth, in the morning, the wind at south and by lutiedis'-

covei'ie by

east, a arood srale, we cast about and stood north-east and by Barents, as
east, and by observation we were in 80 degrees, 23 minutes. d'^'iv<'ied;

^ J O ' but neither

This day we saw many whales. This fore-noone proved go e"act "or
cleere weather, and we could not see any signe of ice out of nor first, 'as

before is ob-

the top. Betweene noone and three of the clocke, we steered served of

^ ' Sir H. Wil-

away north-east and by east five leagues ; then we saw ice £1"°}-^^ ^
on head off us ; we steered east two glasses, one league, and coverfes, '^"
could not be cleare of the ice with that course. Then we wh'aie and

morse

steered away south-east two leasrues I, after we sayled east benefit, tbey

•' O "J ' ^ ./ also enter-

and by north, and east foure leagues, till eight the next ^^r®'^-
morning.

The foureteenth, in the morning, was calme with fogge.
At nine, the wind at east, a small gale with thicke fogge ;
wee steered south-east and by east, and running this course
we found our greene sea a2:aine, which by proofe we found Greene sea

O O i J if freest of ice,

to be freest from ice, and our azure blue sea to be our icie ?,"'i'!i!

^ 0lU6 Set*

sea. At this time Ave had more birds then we usually found. '"*'
At noone, being a thicke fogge, we found ourselves neere
land, bearing east off us ; and running farther Ave found a
bay open to the Avest and by north northerly, the bottonie
and sides thereof being to our sight very high and ragged

14 MASTER HE^'RY HUDSON.

land. The norther side of this bayes mouth being high hind
coUius is a small iland, the Avhich we called Collins Cape,' by the
name of our boat-swaine, who first saw it. In this bay Ave
saw many whales, and one of our company having a hooke
Whale and line over-boord to trie for fish, a whale came under the
keele of our ship and made her held ; yet by Gods mercie
we had no harme, but the losse of the hooke and three parts
of the line. At a south-west sunne from the north-west and
by north, a flood set into the bay. At the mouth of this bay
we had sounding thirtie fathoms, and after sixe and twentie
fathoms, but being farther in, we had no ground at an hun-
dred fathoms, and therefore judged it rather a sound then
a bay. Betweene this high ragged, in the swampes and
vallies lay much snow. Heere wee found it hot. On the
souther side of this bay, lye three or fourc small ilauds or
rockes.
A sound is In the bottome of this bay, John Colman, my mate, and

a greater

Hi,(i deeper "William Collins, my boat-swaine, with two others of our

then a bay. company went on shoare, and there they found and brought

aboord a payre of morses teeth in the jaw ; they likewise

found whales bones, and some dosen or more of deeres

homes ; they saw the footings of beasts of other sorts ; they

also saw rote-geese ;^ they saw much drift-wood on the

shoare, and found a streame or two of fresh water. Here

Heat they found it hot on the shoare, and drank -water to coole

80 degrees, their tliirst, which they also commended. Here we found

the want of a better ship-boate. As they certified me, they

were not on the shoare past half an hourc, and among other

^ This island is not marked upon any old map or chart, and the de-
scription here given of it, is insufficient to determine its place with any
degree of certainty. [Ed.]

^ Supposed to have been thus named from their peculiar cry ; see the
observations of Dr. Beke on these geese, De Veer, pp. 79-81. We may
call the reader's attention to the fact that Hudson does not fall into the
error of Phillip, who, misled by the ear, mistook the Dutch rot-gansen
for red geese.

FIRST VOYAGE (1C07). 15

things brought aboord a stone of the countrey, AAHicn they
went from us it Avas cahne, but presently after we had a gale
of wind at north-east, which came with the flood with fogge.
We plyed too and againe in the bay, waiting their com-
ming ; but after they came aboord we had the wind at east
and by south a fine gale ; Ave minding our voyage, and the
time to perform it, steered away north-east and north north-
east. This night proved cleere, and we had the sunne on
the meridian, on the north and by east part of the compasse ;
from the upper edge of the horizon, with the crosse-staflfe,
we found his height 10 degrees, 40 minutes, without allow- i*oli"g,ees
ing any thing for the semidiameter of the sunne, or the dis- hiyh'.",Ibou1,
tance off the end of the staffe from the center in the eye.
From a north sunne to an east sunne, we sayled betweene
north and north north-east, eight leagues.

The fifteenth, in the morning, was very cleere weather,
the sunne shining warme, but little wind at east southerly.
By a south-east sunne we had brought Collins Cape to beare
off us south-east, and we saw the high land of Newland, that
part by us discovered on our starboord, eight or ten leagues
from us, trending north-east and by east, and south-Avest and
by Avest, eighteene or tAventie leagues from us to the north-
east, being a very high mountaynous land, like ragged
rockes with snow betAveene them. By mine account, the
norther part of this land Avhich noAV we saAV, stretched into
81 degrees. All this day proved cleere weather, little AAand, '"*^ ^''^^rees.
and reasonable warme.

The sixteenth, in the morning warme and cleere Aveathcr ;
the wind at north. This morning we saw that Ave Avere com-
passed in Avith ice in abundance, lying to the north, to the
north-west, the east and south-east ; and being runne toAvard
the farthest part of the land by us discovered, which for the
most part trendeth nearest hand north-cast and south-Avest,
Avee saw more land joyning to the same, trending north in our ^;',""'i,in
sight, by meanes of the clecrncssc of the Aveather, stretching 'Je'^',.j

into R2
rees.

16 MASTER HF.XRY HUDSON.

farre into 82 degrees,' and by the bowing or shewing of the
skie much farther. Which when I first saw, I hoped to
have had a free sea between the land and the ice, and meant
to have compassed this land by the north. But now, find-
ing by proofe it was unpossible, by means of the abundance
of ice compassing us about by the north and joyning to the
land, and seeing God did blesse us with a faire wind to sayle
They re- bv the south of this land to the north-east, we returned,

turned. "' _

bearing up the helme, minding to hold that part of the land
which the Hollanders had discovered in our sight ; and if
contrary winds should take us, to harbour there, and to trie
what we could finde to the charge of our voyage, and to
proceed on our discoverie as soone as God should blesse us
with windc. And this I can assure at this present, that be-
tweene 78 degrees and ^ and 82 degrees, by this way there
is no passage:' but I think this land may bee profitable to
those that will adventure it. In this bay before spoken of,
Abunriance and about tliis coast, we saw more abundance of scales then

ofseales.

Ave had scene any time before, swimming in the water. At
noone this day, having a stiffe gale of wind at north, we
were thwart of Collins Cape, standing in 81 degrees and a
halfe ; and at one of the clocke the cape beare north-east off
us. From thence I set our course west south-west, Avith
purpose to keepe in the open sea free from ice, and sayled
in that course 16 leagues. At ten this night we steered
away south-west, with the wind at north, a hard gale, untill
eight the next morning, 18 leagues.

The seventeenth, in the morning, a good gale at north ;
at eight we altered our course, and steered away south till

^ Captain Beechey {Voyage of Discovery, p. 271), supposes this to be
the Seven Islands. The highest point reached in boats and sledges by
Captain Parry in 1827, lies under 82° 45'.

^ Hudson is mistaken in this respect. It is not clear, however, whe-
ther he was arrested by ice only or by land. If the latter were the case,
some of his observations with regard to latitudes must be incorrect.

FIRST VOYAGE (IGOT). 17

eight iu the eevening, and ranne 12 leagues. This day
proved reasonable cleere and war me. The eightcentli , in the
morning, the wind encreased at south and by cast, with
thickc fogge. All this after-noone and night proved close
Aveathcr, little fogge, and reasonable warme.

The nineteenth, at eight in the morning, the wind at
south, with thicke fogge ; we steered south-east 4 leagues
till noone ; then the wind vcred more large ; wee steered
south-east and by east four leagues till foure ; then wee vered
shete, and steered cast and by south-easterly 15 leagues, till
eight the next morning. This day, after the morning, proved
reasonable cleere and MMrme.

The twentieth, in the morning, little wind ; at eight this
morning wee saw land ahead of us under our lee, and to
weatherward of us, distant from us 12 leagues, being part of
Newland. It is very high mountainous land ; the highest
that we had scene untill now. As we sayled neere it, we
saw a Sound ahead of us, lying east and west. The land on
the norther side of this Sound's mouth, trendeth neerest hand
west north-west, and east south-east 12 leagues, in our sight,
being 10 leagues from us ; and the land on the souther side,
being 8 or 10 leagues in our sight, at this time trendeth
south south-east and north north-west '} from eight to noone
was calme. This day, by observation, we were in 77 des^'ces, ""fiocrrees,

•^ -^ _ O ' 2C minutes.

26 minutes. On the norther side of the mouth of this inlet
lie three ilands,^ not farre the one from the other, being very
high mountainous land. The farthest of the three to the
north-west hath foure very high mounts, like heapcs of
cornc. That iland next the inlets mouth, hath one very high
mount on the souther end. Here one of our companie killed
a red-billed bird. All this day after the morning, and all

^ This is perhaps the best description extant of Bell Sound, on the
west coast of Spitzbergon.

^ These three islands arc not, as far as we know, marked on any map
of Spitzbergen.

18 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

night, proved calme, enclining rather to heate then cold.
This night wee had some warme rayne.

The one and twentieth, all the fore-noone calme ; at fonre
in the after-noone we had a small gale of wind at south
south-east, with fog ; we steered away east to stand in with
the land, and sayled 3 leagues untill mid-night : then the
wind came at north-east, we cast about, and steered south
10 leagues till eight the next morning. The two and tioen-
tieth, at eight in the morning much wind at east, and varia-
ble, with short sayle wee steered 3 leagues south and by
east : then came down very much wind ; we strooke a hull.
All this after-noone and night, proved very much wind with
raine.

The three and twentieth, all the fore-noone was very much
wind at south, with raine and fogge. At foure this after-
noone wee saw land, bearing north-east of us, 6 leagu.es from
us. Then we had the wind at south south-west ; wee steered
away south-east and south-east and by east 4 leagues, the sea
being very much growne. We accounted we had hulled
north-west and by north 22 leagues, and north 3 leagues.
Then fearing with much wind to be set on a lee-shoare we
tackt about, and made our way good west and by north, half
a point northerly all this night with much wind.

The four and twentieth, in the morning, much wind as
afore, and the sea growne. This morning wee strooke our
mayne top-mast to ease our ship, and sayled from the last
eevening, eight, to this noone, 15 leagues west and by north
halfe a point northerly. From twelve to eight, six leagues
as afore, with the wind at south and by west ; at eight we
tackt about with the winde at south south-west, and lay
south-cast and by east, with much winde, and the sea growne.

The fixe and twentieth was a cleere morning : we set our
maync top-mast : we saw land bearing north of us, and
under our lee, we sayling south-east and by cast. Then the
wind scanted : Ave cast about, and lay south-west and by

FIRST VOYAGE (1607). 19

west 2 leagues -^ till noone. Then it began to overcast, and
the wind to scant againc : we cast about, and lay south-east
and by south, the wind at south-west and by west, and saylcd
in that course 3 leagues, till foure in the after-noone. Then
the wind scanted againe, and we sayled 3 leagues south.
Now, seeing how contrarie the winde proved to doe the
good which wee desired this way, I thought to prove our
fortunes by the west once again ; and this eevening at eight,
wee being in the latitude of 78, with the better, and from
land 15 leagues, which leagues part whereof beare from the
north-east to the east off^ us, we steered away west, with the
wind at south-east, and cleere weather.

The sixe mid tweiitieth, all this day proved rayne with
thicke fogge, and an hard gale of wind at east and by north,
and east north-east. From the last eevening at eight to this
noone, wee ranne ;25 leagues : from noone till midnight 19
leagues, the wind at east and by south ; from mid-night till
two the next morning, 2 leagues west.

The seveti and twentieth, extreme thicke fog, and little
wind at east and by south. Then it proved calme, and the
sea very loftie. AVee heard a great rutte or noise with the
ice and sea, which was the first ice we heard or saw since
we were at Collins Cape : the sea heaving us westward
toward the ice. Wee heaved out our boat, and rowed to
towe out our ship farther from the danger ; which would
have beene to small purpose, by meanes the sea went so '^'"'^;
high : but in this extremitie it pleased God to give us a small
gale at north-west and by west, we steered aAvay south-east,
4 leagues, till noone. Here wee had finished our discoverie,
if the wind had continued that brought us hither, or if it
had continued calme ; but it pleased God to make this north-
west and by west wind the meane of our deliverance : which
wind wee had not found common in this voyage. God
give us thankfull hearts for so great deliverance. Here we

^ In the neighbourhood of Ice Sound, on the west coast of Spitzbevgcn.

20 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

found the want of a good ship-boat, as once we had done
whiiits Day. j^p^Qj.g ^^ Whales Bay: we wanted also halfe a dozen long
oares to rowe in our ship. At noone the day cleered up,
and we saw by the skie ice bearing off us, from west south-
west to the north and north north-east. Then we had a
good gale at west ; we steered away south till foure, 7
leagues. From foure to six, south 4 leagues, and found by
the icy skie and our neereness to Groneland that there is no
passage that Avay : Avhich, if there had beene, I meant to
have made my returne by the north of Groneland to Davis
his Streights, and so for England.^ Here finding we had
the benefit of a westerly wind, which all this voyage we had
found scant, we altered our course and steered to the east-
ward, and ran south-east foure leagues. From eight this
eevening till noone the next day, east south-east, 30 leagues.
All this day and night proved very cold, by meanes, as I
suppose, of the winds comming off so much ice.

The ei(//d and twentieth, very cold, the wind at west, not
very foggie. At noone this day we steered away south-east
and by east, and by observation we were 76 degrees, 36
minutes.^ From noone to eight, 10 leagues. Then the wind
scanted to south-east and by south, we steered away east
and by north 18 leagues, till the next day noone.

The nine and twentieth, all the fore-noone a thicke fog
and wet, the wind at south-east and by east, nearest hand,
and raw cold. From noone to foure wee sayled three leagues
east and by north, halfe a point northerly. Then the Avind
veered more large ; Ave steered east and by south 8 leagues
till twelve at night. At this time to windward Ave heard

^ Greenland, which Hudson alwc\ys calls Groneland, was up to his
time too imperfectly known to prevent his entertaining the hope of re-
turning home by the north of it. The fact that a passage does not
exist, is one of tite most important geographical results obtained by this
expedition.

^ About ()' to the N.W. of South Cape, on Point Lookout, the most
southern point of yiiit/.bergen.

FIKST VOYAGE (1607). 21

the rutte of land, which I knew to be so by the colour of the
sea. It was extreme thicke fog, so that we could hardly
see a cables length from our ship. We had ground 25
fathoms, small blacke pcble stones. Wee sounded againe,
and had ground at 30 fathomes, small stones like beanes ;
at the next cast no ground at GO fathomes. I cast about
againe and steered south-west six leagues, west and by north
two leagues, till the next day noone. All this day and night
extreme thicke fog.

The thirtieth, all the forc-noonc very thicke fog. At
noone almost calme : after we had little wind, and steered
north north-west till two : then it cleercd up, so that we
could see from us 2 leagues with the wind at north-west.
Then we steered east south-east : after it cleered. At south,
in the eevening, we saw an iland bearing off us north-west
from us 5 leagues, and we saw land bearing off from us 7
leagues.^ We had land likewise bearing off us from east south-
east to south-east and by east as we judged, 10 leagues. Then,
having the winde at west north-west, we steered south and
by east. It presently proved calme till ten this eevening :
then wee had a little gale at south-west and by west ; wee
steered away south south-east till twelve this night, and
accounted ourselves in 76,^ from land 10 leagues : which was
the likeliest land that wee had scene on all parts of New-
land, being playne riggie land of a meane height and not
ragged, as all the rest was that we had scene this voyage,
nor covered with snow. At twelve this night wee saw two
morses in the sea neere us swimming to land. From twelve
at night to foure, calme.

The o?ie and thirtieth, at foure this morning, we had the
wind at south-east ; we steered south south-west. Then it

^ This island seems not to be marked on the maps.

^ An evident mistake in Hudson's dead reckoning ; Spitzbert^en docs
not extend farther south than 76° 30'. These mistakes frequently occur
in the Arctic regions, and we must be careful with regard to every state-
ment that is not based on astronomical observations.

Hand.

22 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

proved calme, and so continued all the fore-noone. The
after-noone wee had the wind at east south-east : we steered
south, 8 leagues. Then being like to prove much wind,
contrarie to our purpose, and finding our fog more thicke
and troublesome then before, divers things necessarie want-
ing, and our time well nigh spent to doe further good this
yeere, I commanded to beare up for our returne for Eng-
land, and steered away south south-west. And this night
proved a hard gale of wind at south-east and by east. We
cheiie were thwart of Cheries Iland^ the next morning, at foure of
the clocke, being to windward off us 5 leagues : knowing
we were neere it, we looked out carefully for the same, and
it proving cleere, we saw it, being a very ragged land on
the water side, rising like hey-cockes.

The first of August, a very hard gale of wind at east
south-east ', we shorted sayle and steered away south south-
west. This night was very foggie, with a hard gale of wind at
east and by south ; we steered by our account 27 leagues : and
from eight this eevening till the next morning foure, 10 leagues
as afore. All this night was very foggie, wet and raw cold.

The second, in the morning, calme, with a thicke fog, cold
and slabbie weather. About noone we had a little gale west
and b)^ north : we steered away as afore. The third, in the
morning calme and cleere weather, with a little gale east
and by south ; we sayled south south-west : then wee had
the wind at south-east, wee sayled as afore. All this day
and night proved close weather, a little fogge at noone,
which continued not long. At twelve this night the wind
vcrcd to the east and by north, wee held our course south
south-west as afore.

The fifteenth of August we put into the lies of Farrc,^
standing in 52 degrees ; and the Fifteentli of September I
arrived in Tilbcrie Hope in the Thames.

^ Discovered by Barcntz. Stephen Beuuett visited it iu 1C03, and
called it after his jtatrou, Francis Oheiic.
^ The Faroe Islands.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608).

A SECOND VOYAGE OR EMPLOYMENT OP
MASTER HENRY HUDSON,

FOR FINDING A PASSAGE TO THE EAST INDIES BY THE NORTH-EAST ;
WRITTEN BY IIIMSELFE.

Their names employed in this action are as followcth :
Henry Hudson, master and pilot ; Robert Juet,^ the mas-
ter his mate : Ludlowe Arnall ; John Cooke, boatsonne ;
Philip Stacie, carpenter ; John Barnes ; John Braunch,
cooke ; John Adrey ; James Strutton ; Michel Feirce ; Tho-
mas Hilles ; Richard Tomson ; Robert Raynar ; John Hud-
son ; and Humfrey Gilby. The courses observed in this
journall were by a compasse, that the needle and the north
of the Flye were directly one on the other.

Anno 1608, the Uvo and tioentieth of Ajml I, heiwg Friday, Aprin.
we set sayle at Saint Katherines," and fell downe to Blacke-
wall.

The twentieth of May, at noone, by observation we were i\tay.
in 6-1 degrees, 52 minutes ; and at this time and place the
needle declined under the horizon by the inclinatory 81
degrees, and wee had a smooth sea, by meanes whereof my
observation was good.

The one and tioentieth, at night, thicke fog ; wee sayled
north north-east ; wee steered north north-east as afore : in
the after-noone little wind and thicke fog ; we accounted us
in 67 degrees, the sea smooth, the needle declined 82 de-
grees ; this night was calme and clecre. The three and tioen-

^ I have Robert Juetts journall also, for brevitie omitted. [Purchas.]
2 Where the St. Katherine's Docks now are.

24 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

tieth, in the morning the wind was easterly, we stood north
north-east, and north and by east. All the fore-noone was
foggie : in the after-noone it cleered, and the wind shortned
upon us, we made our way good north all night. TYie foure
and iwentieth, the wind at east north-east, and east and by
north, we lay as neere as wee could with a full sayle ; wee

Lowfoot. accounted Lowfoot^ from us east northerly 16 leagues distant
from us ; at foure a clockc this after-noone, wee stood all
night as afore.

The Jive and twentieth, the wind at east north-east ; we
stood away north as we could lie : all this day was cleere
weather and searching cold, which cold begunne the one
and twentieth day, and then my carpenter was taken sicke,
and so doth yet continue ; and three or foure more of our
companie w^ere enclining to sicknesse, I suppose by meanes
of the cold. All the night it was calme. The sixe and
tiventieth, cold but cleare weather, the wind betweeue east
and east north-east ; we stood north-easterly till twelve a
clocke at night : then wee had the wind at north-east and
north north-east, we stood south-east and east till noone the
next day. The severi and tiventieth, cold and drie weather,
at noone we had the wind north and north north-west; wee
stood away north-east and east north-east as we could, and
accounted our selves in 69 degrees, 40 minutes, and the
needle inclined, having a smooth sea, nearest 84 degrees.
All night we had wind and weather as afore.

The eight and tiventieth, drie cold cleere weather ; the
wind betweene north north-west and north ; we made our

Sun tmIc- way 2ood east north-cast ; wee saw the sunne on the north

grees ^^ . .

minutes at meridian above the horizon 5 desrrees, 35 minutes. All this
night we had much wind as afore. The nijie and tiventieth,
a hard gale at north north-west : by account we ranne from
mid-night to noone 21 leagues east north-cast. AVee had
the sunne on the meridian 5 degrees, the latitude 73 dc-
^ The Luffoden Islands, west of Norway.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 25

grees, 13 minutes, whereby wee found our ship to have
out-runne us. At mid-night the wind came to south-east :
we cast about, and stood cast north-east. This day partly
cleere weather Avith some snow. The thirtictJt, cold cleerc
weather, the -wind betwecne north-east and east and by
north ; -sve went cast south-cast, and observing, were in
73 degrees, 50 minutes. The one and thirtieth, cold and
cleere weather : from the last day to this day noone, Ave
stood south-cast and by south, in the latitude of 72 degrees,
45 minutes.

The Jirst of June, a hard gale at east north-east, with Juno.
snow : we made our Avay good south south-east. The second,
a hard gale of wind at north-east : towards night, calme
with fogge, our course Avas south-cast all day. The third,
in the morning we had a sight of the North Cape ;' and at a North capp.
west and by north sunne, the Cape bore oiF us south-Avest,
halfe a point southerly, being from us 8 leagues : and ob-
servinar the variation, I found it to the westward 11 desfrees : variations

, , ° west, 11

and havinsr a smooth sea, the needle enclined under the ^fs'ff^ .

•-> ' Needle s in-

horizon 84 degrees and a halfe, the neerest I could finde. gi'degre^'s
We had the wind at south-west, and Avee stood away north- '^"
east and by east. It Avas cleere weather, and we saAv Nor-
way fisher-men at sea.

The fourth, ^ya.l'm.e cleere sun-shine, Ave stood aAvay north-
east and by east. Noav, by God's helpc, our carpenter
recovered, and made a mast for our ship-boat, and the com-
panie made a sayle ; Ave had the sunne in the sight on the
north meridian, his height Avas 5 degrees, 40 minutes. In-
clination, 23 degrees, 21 minutes : pole's height, 72 degrees,
21 minutes. The fft, in the morning, calme weather : wee
sounded, and had 1 40 fathoms, sand oze : here wee saAV a
swelling sea setting north-east and by east, and south-Avest
and by west, with streame-leches : and Ave saw drift Avood.
After we had Avind ; and Ave sayled and made our Avay north
^ The most northern point of Norway.

26 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

north-east : towards night we sounded, and found ground at
150 fathoms, sand oze. This day cleere weather, and not
cold. The sixt, wee had cleere weather, the wind being at
east north-east, from the last day till this day noone ; we
shaped our way on divers courses north and by west, in the
latitude of 73 degrees, 24 minutes. We found that our ship
had out-runne us, sounding in 160 fathoms : in the after-
noone little wind.

The seventh, in the morning, the wind at south, after at
south south-east : from the last day till this day noone, wee
accounted our way from divers courses north-east, 15 leagues.
This day was close but cleere weather, and we had a good
gale of Avind at this time. And three dayes before this, our
cooke and one more of our companie were very sicke. In
the morning we had ground at 150 fathoms, and at night we
had no ground at 180 fathoms, which encreased hope. This
night we had some snow, which continued foure lioures :
then the wind came at north-east and by east with storme ;
and with short sayle we stood north and by west : here the
needle cnclined 86 degrees. I accounted that we were in
74 degrees, 74 dcgrccs and a halfe at neerest hand. This night we saw

3U miuutcf. O ....

the sunne on the north meridian, his height was 7 degrees,
40 minutes, which maketh the pole's height 74 degrees, 23
minutes. The eight, from twelve a clocke last night till
noone, we accounted our way on divers courses, north and
by east : then our latitude was 74 degrees, 38 minutes, and
we had no ground at 200 fathoms. In the after-noone the
wind came at south south-east, and south-east and by east.
This day and night Avee had cleere weather, and we were
Dark blue bcrc comc iuto a blacke blue sea.

The ninth, cleere weather, the wind came at south-east
and by east : from the last day till this day noone, Avee had
a good Avay north-east, in latitude of 75 degrees, 29 minutes :
then Ave entred into ice, being the first we saAV in this voy-
age : our hope Avas to go through it ; avc stood into it, and

sea.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 27

held our course betweene north-east and east north-east,
loosing for one, and bearing roome for another, till foure in
the afternoone : at which time we were so farre in, and the
ice so thicke and firme ahead, being in it foure or five
leagues, that wee had endangered us somewhat too farre ;
wee returned as wee went in, and with a few rubbes of our
ship against the ice ; by eight a clocke this eevening wee
got free of it. AVee made our way till next day at noone,
south-west and by south, 18 leagues : in the middest of this
W'ay wee had no ground at 180 fathoms. The tenth, in the
morning, hasey Aveather ; but at noone it cleered up, and
then we cast about, and stood away north and by east, the
wind being at east south-east, two watches, five leagues :
then we had the wind at east ; we cast about, and stood
south south-east, and made a south way, sixe leagues. The
eleventh, in the morning, a hard storme at east and east and
by south, we strooke a hull.

The tivelfth, in the morning, fog, and all day after cleere
weather, the wind at south south-west ; we steered east and
by north : at noone being in the latitude 75 degrees, 30
minutes. From noone till foure a clocke, five leagues east
and by north ; then we saw ice ahead of us and under our
lee, trending from the north-west to the north and east of
us : we had sounding 100 fathom, greenish oze. Here we
saw divers pieces of drift wood' by us driving, and streame
leeches lying south south-west and north north-east. We
many times saw the like since we saw the North Cape.
The thirteenth, cleere weather, the wind at east, we made a
south way 6 leagues, two watches ; then we cast about, and
made a north way one watch, 3 leagues h '. at twelve at
night, much wind with fog, we strooke a hull and laid our
ship's head to the southward. The fourteenth, in the fore-

^ This wood is carried along from the North American coasts by the
gulf streams. Considerable quantities of it are thrown on the shores of
Spitzbergen.

»» MASTER HENRY HUDSON,

noonc, fog, and our shroucles were frozen : the aftcr-noone
was cleerc sun-shine, and so was all the night.

The fifteeiith, all day and night cleere sunshine ; the wind
at east ; the latitude at noone 75 degrees, 7 minutes. We
held westward by our account 13 leagues. In the after-
noone the sea was asswaged ; and the wind being at east we
set sayle, and stood south and by east, and south south-east
as we could. This morning, one of our companie looking
over boord saw a mermaid, and calling up some of the com-
panie to see her, one more came up, and by that time shee
was come close to the ship's side, looking earnestly on the
men : a little after, a sea came and overturned her : from the
navill upward, her backe and breasts were like a woman's,
as they say that saw her ; her body as big as one of us ; her
skin very white ; and long haire hanging downe behinde,
of colour blacke : in her going doAvne they saw her tayle,
which was like the tayle of a porposse, and speckled like a
macrell.' Their names that saw her, were Thomas Hilles
and llobcrt Rayner.

The sixteenth, cleere weather, the wind being at east.
From the last day till this day noone we made our way
south and by east 9 leagues, and from noon to eight a clocke
in the eevening 6 leagues : then we cast about and stood to
the northwards.

The seventeenth, cleere weather, the wind at south-east
and by east ; from the last day till this day noone, our way
was north-east and by east, at noone being in the latitude of
74 degrees, 40 minutes. At after-noonc we sounded, and
had ground at 86 fathom, green oze, and our water Avhitish
greene. Here we saw whales, porpoises, and the sea full of
fowles : from noonc to mid-night, north-east and by cast ;
Ave had the sunne at lowest, on the north and by east, east-

^ Probably a seal. Dr. Kane observes that there is something in the
appearance and the nuncnicnts of this animal stronpjy akin to those of
human beiims.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 29

erly part of the conipasse : latitude 74 degrees, 54 minutes.
Sounding we had 92 fathoms water, ozc as before.

The eighteenth, faire weather, the wind at south-east and
by east ; from mid-night till this day noone wee sayled north-
east and by east, in the latitude of 75 degrees 24 minutes,
and had ground at ninetie-five fathome ; oze as afore. Here
we had ice in our sight to the northward off us. In the
after-noone, having little wind at north-east, we cast about
and lay east south-east, and at sixe a clocke had ground at
ninetie-five fathoms and a halfe ; o^e as afore. From noone
to twelve a clocke at night our way was south-east, and
south-east and by east, and had the sunne on the meridian
north and by east halfe a point eastward. The sunnes height
was 8 degrees 40 minutes. Sounding, ninetie fathom. All
this day we had ice on our huboord trending : and at this
time, from the north-west off us to the east south-east, I have
some reason to thinke there is a tide or current setting to cuneut.
the northwards ; the course wee held and the way we made
betweene this noone and mid-night observations, doe make
mee suspect it the more.

The nineteenth, faire and Avarme weather, the sea smooth. Needles in-
Here the needle inclined under the horizon 89 degrees and and a^haife,
a halfe, being in the latitude at noone of 75 degrees, 22grees,22
minutes ; sounding wee had ground in an hundred fathom.
From twelve a clocke last night till this day at noone, Ave
accounted our way from east and by north to south-east ten
leagues, having ice alwayes in our sight trending on our
larboord ; wee had the winde betweene north and north
north-west. We saw the sunne at the lowest on the north
and by east, halfe a point easterly ; his height was 8 degrees,
10 minutes, which maketh the Pole's height 74 degrees, 56
minutes ; sounding, we had ground in one hundred and
twentie-sixe fathom. From noone to this time, wee accounted
our way east and by south and east south-east, twelve leagues.

The tioentieih, faire vvarme weather ; this morning, at

so MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

foure of the clocke, wee had depth one hundred and twen-
iwing. tie-five fathom. Heere we heard beares roar on the ice ;
store of and wee saw upon the ice and neare unto it an incredible
number of scales. We had sounding one hundred and fif-
teen fathom, and after ground at ninetie-five fathom, sandie
oze. We had the sun on the meridian north and by east,
halfe a point easterly ; his height was 7 degrees, 20 minutes.
From twelve a clocke last night to twelve a clocke this night,
our way was made good by our account, south-east and by
south twelve leagues, and south-east three leagues and a
halfe, the ice alwayes being on our larboord. The wind
this day betweene north and north-west.

The one a?ul tive7itieth, at foure a clocke in the morning,

wee sounded and had one hundred and twentie fathome,

green oze, and the ice bore off us east, the wind variable ; in

divers courses wee made our way good south south-east ;

sunneat Qur latitude at noone beinsf 7-1 decrees, 9 minutes, we were

''rMs'^4o'^ haled to the northward beyond expectation. All this day

""degrees" fairc, clecrc, and warme weather, and ice on our larboord

30 minutes. i i i ^ • ^ t ^ •

at a north and by east sunne ; being tlien at lowest, nis
height was 7 degrees, 40 minutes, which made the Pole's
height 74 degrees, 33 minutes. From the last day at noone
till twelve a clocke this night, by account of our ship's way,
wee made our way good east north-cast, sixe leagues and a
halfe ; whereby it doth appeare how Ave Avere haled to the
northward. Heere wee had ground at one hundred and
thirteene fathome, green sandie oze.
juet's notes "Yh-Q tioo and twentieth, fairc cleare weather, the winde at

tell (it a HUd- ' '

uoi'i of'the west north-west. At eight aclocke in the morning, we had
fi'mil'ihr' ground at one hundred and fifteene fathome, green oze.

iioilli to the ,, . . ,

cast one Froui mid-nisfht to noone our course was north-east and by

Voiiit, which " _ _ •'

twoime'.' cast, bciug ill the latitude of 74 degrees, ob minutes, and we
Wore! found that our ship's way and our observation were not
'} but there was carcfuU heed taken of both. Heere
' Gap in the orij^iual.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 31

we had ice a head off us, trending to the south-east, and all
day before ice on our larboord. Here we stood south-east
five leagues, then the ice trended south and by west sixe
leagues; we sayled by it, and doubled it by eight aclocke
in the eevening, and then it bore east off us. Heere, having
a smooth sea, the needle inclined 85 degrees from eight a
clocke to twelve, north and by east easterly. Then we had
the sunne on the meridian, north and by east half a poynt
easterly. The sunnes height was 7 degrees, 45 minutes,
which made the latitude 74 degrees, 43 minutes.

The three and twentieth, in the morning, thicke fogge,
the wind at north north-west. From mid-night till foure a
clocke this morning, we sayled north-east five leagues, and
then we were among the ice ; we cast about, and stood two
houres south-west, two leagues, and had no ground at one
hundred and eightie fathom. Then we cast about againe,
and stood east till eight a clocke, two leagues ; and then it
cleered up, and we had ice a head ofi' us. And from north
wee stood to south-east, and our shroudes were frozen. Then
till noone wee went east and by south, foure leagues, and
were neere ice on our larboord, in the latitude of 74 degrees,
30 minutes. In the after-noone, the wind being at north,
wee stood two houres and a halfe, five leagues and a halfc ;
three houres south south-east, five leagues ; one houre south-
east and by south, one league and a halfe ; an houre east,
halfe a league, which brought eight in the eevening, alwayes
ice on our larboord. This after-noone wee had some snow.
From eight a clocke to mid-night south south-west, foure
leagues, with ice as afore. We saw the sunne at the lowest
north north-east, his height was 7 degrees, 15 minutes ; the
pole's height 74 degrees, 18 minutes.

The foure and twentieth, cleere but cold, and some snow,
the wind betweene north north-east and north-east ; from
mid-night to foure a clocke wee stood southward, two leagues,
and south-east and by east two leagues. And from foure

d^ MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

a clocke till noonc south-east southerly, nine leagues ; sound-
ing, we had ground in one hundred and fortie fathome.
From noone to three a clocke, we stood south-east and by
south, three leagues ; from three to foure, south-west and by
south, one league, and had ice from the north-east to the
south-east off us. From foure a clocke to eight we stood
south-west, two leagues and a halfe, soutliAvard halfe a
league, with ice neere us under our lead.

The fite and tioentieth, cold and cleare, the wind at east
south-east ; from eight a clocke last night till foure this
morning our way was south and by east, foure leagues and
a halfe ; sounding, we had ground in eightie fathome ; then
we had little wind till noone at east north-east, and the
sunne on the meridian on the south-west and by south point
of the compasse ere it began to fall ; wee were in the lati-
tude of 72 degrees, 52 minutes ; and had ice on our lar-
boord, and our hope of passage was gone this way, by meanes
of our nearnesse to Nova Zembla and the abundance of ice.
We had from noone to eight a clocke in the ecvcning the
wind between north north-east and north-east ; we stood
south-east, three leagues and a halfe, and had ice on our
larboord and shoalding sixtie-eight fathome.

The sixe and hventieth, faire sunshining weather, and little
wind at east north-east. From twelve aclocke at night till
foure this morning we stood southward, two leagues ; sound-
ing wee had sixtie-sixe fathome, oaze, as afore. From foure
a clocke to noone south-east and by south, foure leagues ;
and had the sunne on the meridian, on the south-east and
by south point of the compasse, in the latitude of 72 de-
grees, 25 minutes ; and had sight of Nova Zembla foure or
No passaf^'e five Icasfues from us, and the place called by the Hollanders

that way. ° _ _ _ ^ •'

Swart ciiiiu. Swart ClifFe,' bearing off south-east. In the aftcrnoone wee

' According to Dr. Bekc's opinion {l)c Veer, Introduction, p. vi) iden-
tical with the Yu~Jinuy Gnsiniiij Muis, or South Goose Cape of Liitke.
This cape is, however, under 71^ '20', wliil.st on De Veer's own ma]> the

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). o3

had a fine gale at east north-east, and by eight of the clockc
we had brought it to beare ofF us east southerly, and saylcd
by the shoare a league from it.

The seven and twentieth, all the forenoone it was almost
calme; wee being two mile from the shoare, I sent my mate,
Kobert Juet, and John Cooke, my boatswaine, on shoare, '^'J®y k"«

' 'J ' ' ashore.

with foure others, to see what the land would yeeld that
might bee profitable, and to fill two or three caskes Avith
water. They found and brought aboard some whales finnes,
two deeres homes, and the dung of deere, and they told me
that they saw grasse on the shoare of the last yeere, and
young grasse came vip amongst it a shaftman long ; and it
was boggie ground in some places ; there are many streames
of snow water nigh ; it was very hot on the shoare, and the
snow melted apace ; they saw the footings of many great
beares, of deere, and foxes. They went from us at three
a clocke in the morning, and came aboord at a south-east
sunne ; and at their comminar wee saw two or three com-
panics of morses in the sea neere us swimming, being almost
calme. I presently sent my mate, Ladlow the carpenter,
and sixe others a shoare, to a place where I thought the
morses might come on the shoare ; they found the place
likely, but found no signe of any that had beene there.
There was a crossed standing on the shoare, much driftwood,
and signes of fires that had beene made there. They saw

Swarte Klip seems about a degree farther north ; 72° 15' to 72° 20', as
far as appears by the ancient mariner's vague indications. This latitude
would seem more in accordance with Hudson's observation.

^ Such crosses were found both on Nova Zembla and on the opposite
Russian shore by Barentz and his companions. They seem to have been
very conspicuous, for an island and a cape were called by the Dutch
Cross Island and Cross Point, only because one or two such crosses were
found on them. It is a well-known fact, that the cross is not only an
object of veneration among Christians, but that it is also worshipped
by some heathens, quite independently of all Christian influence. Whe-
ther the signification of these crosses may be thus explained we are,
however, unable to say.

.34 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

the footing of very great deere and beares, and much fowle/
and a foxe ; they brought aboord whale finnesj some mosse,
flowers and green e things that did there grow. They
brought also two peeces of a crosse, which they found there.
The sunne was on the meridian on the north north-east^
halfe a point easterly, before it began to fall. The sunnes
height was 4 degrees, 45 minutes ; inclination, 22 degrees,
33 minutes, which makes the latitude 72 degrees, 12 minutes.
Tliere is disagreement betweene this and the last observa-
tion ; but by meanes of the cleerenesse of the sunne, the
smoothnesse of the sea, and the neernesse to laiid, wee could
not bee deceived, and care was taken in it.

The eight and tioentieth, at foure a clocke in the morning,
our boat came aboord, and brought two dozen of fowle and
some egges, whereof a kw^ were good, and a whale's finne ;
and wee all saw the sea full of morses, yet no signes of their
being on shoare. And in this calme, from eight a clocke
last evening till foure this morning, we were drawne backe
to the northward, as farre as wee were the last evening at
foure a clocke, by a streame or a tide ;~ and we chose rather
so to drive, then to adventure the losse of an anchor and the
spoyle of a cable. Heere our new ship-boate began to doe
us service, and w^as an incouragement to my companie,
which want I found the last yeere.

The nine and twentieth, in the morning calme, being halfe
a league from the shoare, the sea being smooth the needle
did encline 84 degrees ; we had many morses in the sea
neere us, and desiring to find where they came on shoare,
wee put to with saylc and oares, towing in our boat, and
rowing in our barke to get about a point of land, from
whence the land did fall more easterly, and the morses did
goe that way. Wee had the sunne on the meridian on the

^ This part of Nova Zembla still abounds with fowl, and has, there-
fore, been called Goose Coast by Liitke.
^ The iriilf stream.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 35

south and by west point, lialfe a point to the wester part of
the compasse, in the Lititude of 71 degrees, 15 minutes. At
two a clocke this after-noone we came to anchor in the
mouth of a river, where licth an ihand in the mouth thereof, T^^ivcr tmci
foure leagues : wee anchored from the iland in two and
thirtie fathomes, bhacke sandy ground. There drove much
ice out of it with a streame that set out of the river or sound,
and there were many morses sleeping on the ice, and by it
we were put from our road twice this night ; and being
calme all this day, it pleased God, at our need to give us a
fine gale, which freed us out of danger. This day was
calme, cleere and hot weather : all the night we rode stilL

The thirtieth, calme, hot, and faire weather ; we weighed
in the morning, and towed and rowed, and at noone we
came to anchor neere tiie ile aforesaid in the mouth of the
river, and saw very much ice driving in the sea, two leagues
without us, lying south-east and north-west ; and driving to
the north-west so fast, that wee could not by twelve a clocke
at night see it out of the top. At the iland where wee rode
lieth a little rocke, whereon were fortie or fiftie morses
lying asleepe, being all that it couhl hohl, it being so full
and little. I sent my companie ashoare to them, leaving
none aboord but my boy with mee : and by meanes of their
neerenesse to the water, they all got away, save one which
they killed, and brought his head aboord ; and ere they
came aboord they went on the iland, which is reasonable
high and steepe, but flat on the top. They killed and
brought with them a great fowle, whereof there were many,
and likewise some egges, and in an houre they came aboord.
This ile is two flight-shot over in length, and one in breadth.
At mid-night our anchor came home, and wee tayld aground
by meanes of the strength of the streame ; but by the
helpe of God, wee hoved her off" without hurt. In short
time wee moved our ship, and rode still all night ; and in
the night wee had little wind at east, and east south-east.

36 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

Wee had at noone this day an observation, and were in the
hititude of 71 degrees, 15 minutes.

.luiy. The^rs^ of July, we saw more ice to the seaward of us;

from the south-east to the north-west, driving to the north-
west. At noone it was cahne, and we had the sunne on the
meridian, on the south and by west point, halfe a point to
the westerly part of the compasse, in the latitude of 71 de-
grees, 24 minutes. This morning I sent my mate Everet,
and foure of our companie to rowe about the bay, to see
what rivers were in the same, and to find where the morses
did come on land ; and to see a sound or great river in the
bottome of the bay, which did alwaies send out a great
streamc to the northwards, against the tide that came from
thence : and I found the same in comming in, from the
north to this place, before this. When by the meanes of the
great plenty of ice, the hope of passage betweene Newland

His purpose ^^^^ Nova Zcuibla was taken away ; my purpose was by the
Vaygats to passe by the mouth of the river Ob, and to dou-
ble that way the North Cape of Tartaria,^ or to give reason
wherefore it will not be : but being here, and hoping by the
plentie of morses wee saw here, to defray the charge of our
voyage ; and also that this sound might for some reasons
bee a better passage to the east of Nova Zembla then the
Vaygats, if it held according to my hope conceived by the
likenesse it gave : for whereas we had a floud came from
the northwards, yet this sound or river did runne so strong,

stream. that icc witli the streame of this river was carried away, or

^ Hudson seemed to think that when he had once passed the North
Cape of Tartary (Cape Tabin ?), the rest of his undertaking, to reach
China by a north-eastern route, would be quite easy, and hardly worth
mentioning. This was also Sebastian Cabot's idea, and that of all his dis-
ciples down to our navigator. Ortelius's maps, the best expressions of the
geographical dogma of the age, imply a similar belief. The northern
coast of Asia, which is there drawn almost from fancy, is everywhere
much too far south. The voyage from the Promontorium Sa/thicuin to
Cathay, or Northern China, appears on these maps as quite an easy
matter.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 37

any thing else against the floud ; so that both in floud and
ebbe, the streamc doth hold a strong course : and it flowcth
from the north three houres, and ebbeth nine.

The second, the wind being at east south-east, it was rea-
sonable cold, and so was Friday ; and the morses did not play
in our sight as in warme weather. This morning, at three
of the clocke, my mate and companie came aboord, and
brought a great deeres home, a white locke of deeres haire,
four dozen of fowle, their boat halfe laden with drift wood,
and some flowers and greene things, that they found grow-
ina^ on the shoare. They saw a herd of white deere,^ often Herdeof

" "^ white deere.

in a companie on the land, much drift wood lying on the
shoare, many good bayes, and one river faire to see to
on the north shoare, for the morses to land on ; but they
saw no morses there, but signes that they had beene in the
bayes. And the great river or sound, they certified me,
was of breadth two or three leagues, and had no ground at
twentie fathoms, and that the water was of the colour of the
sea, and very salt, and that the streame setteth strongly out
of it. At sixe a clocke this morning, came much ice from
the southward driving upon us, very fearfull to looke on ;
but by the mercy of God and His mightie helpe, wee being
moored with two anchors ahead with vering out of one
cable and heaving home the other, and fending off with
beames and sparres, escaped the danger ; which labour con-
tinued till sixe a clocke in the eevening, and then it was
past us, and we rode still and tooke our rest this night.

The third, the wind at north a hard gale. At three a
clocke this morning wee weighed our anchor, and set sayle,
jiurposing to runne into the river or sound before spoken of.

The fourth, in the morning, it cleered up, with the wind

at north-west ; we weighed and set sayle, and stood to the

eastwards, and past over a reefe, and found on it five and a

halfe, sixe, sixe and a halfe, and seven fathoms water : then

^ Sec p. 38, note 1.

38 MASTER HENKY Ht'DSON.

we saw that the sound was full, and a very large river from
the north-eastward free from ice, and a strong streame com-
niing out of it : and wee had sounding then, foure and thirty
fathoms water. Wee all conceived hope of this northerly
river or sound, and sayling in it, wee found three and twen-
tie fathomes for three leagues, and after twentie fathomes
for five or sixc leagues, all tough ozie ground. Then the
winde vered more northerly, and the streame came down
so strong, that wee could do no good on it : we came to
anchor, and went to supper, and then presently I sent my
mate Juet, with five more of our companie in our boat, with
sayle and oarcs to get up the river, being provided with
victuall and weapons for defence, walling them to sound as
they went ; and if it did continue still deepe, to goe untill
it did trende to the eastward, or to the southwards, and wee
rode still.

The jift, in the morning, we had the wind at west : we
began to weigh anchor, purposing to set sayle and to runne
up the sound after our companie : then the wind vered
northerly upon us, and we saved our labour. At noone
our companie came aboord us, having had a hard rought ;
for they had beene up the river sixe or seven leagues, and.
sounded it from twentie to three and twentie, and after
brought it to eight, sixc, and one fathome ; and then to
foure foot in the best : they then went ashoare, and found
good store of wilde goose quills, a piece of an old oare, and
some flowers and greene things which they found growing :
they saw many deere, and so did we in our after-dayes
sayling.^ They being come aboord, we presently set sayle
with the wind at north north-west, and wc stood out againe
to the south-westwards, with sorrow that our labour was in

^ The existence of grass and of lierbivorous animals in Nova Zembla,
which is flatly denied by De Veer, is clearly proved by Hudson. Lutke's
observations corroborate those of o\ir navigator : sec Dr. Belce's Dc Veer,
pp. 5, 83.

SECOND VOYAGE (1008). 39

vaine : for, had this sound held as it did make shew of,
for breadth, depth, safenesse of harbour, and good anchor
ground, it might have yeelded an excellent passage to a
more easterly sea. Generally, all the land of Nova Zembla Novazem-

'' '' bill pleasftiit

that yet we have secne, is to a man's eye a pleasant land ; totheeye.
much mayne high land with no snow on it, looking in some
places greene, and deere feeding thereon : and the hills are
partly covered with snow, and partly bare. It is no marvel
that there is so much ice in the sea toward the pole, so many cause of

much ioe in

sounds and rivers beino' in the lands of Nova Zembla and '^'1°^^ ^*'''t

c winch make

Newland to ingcnder it ; besides the coasts of Pechora, Rus- passage^."'''®
sia, and Groenland, with Lappia, as by proofes I finde by
my travell in these parts : by meanes of which ice I suppose
there will be no navigable passage this way. This eeven-
ing wee had the wind at west and by south : we therefore
came to anchor under Deere Point ; and it was a storme at
sea ; wee rode in twentie fathomes ozie ground : I sent my
mate, Ladlow, with foure more ashoare to see whether any
morses were on the shoare, and to kill some fowle; for we
had seen no morses since Saturday, the second day of this
moneth, that wee saw them driving out of the ice. They
found good landing for them, but no signe that they had
beene there ; but they found that fire had beene made
there, yet not lately. At ten of the clocke in the eeven-
ing, they came aboord, and brought with them neere an
hundred fowles called wellocks : this night it was wet,
fogge, and very thicke and cold, the winde at west south-
west.

The sixt, in the morning, wee had the wind stormie and
shifting ; betweene the west and south-west, against us for
doing any good : we rode still and had much ice driving by
us to the eastward of us. At nine of the clocke this ceven-
ing wee had the wind at north north-west : we presently
weighed, and set sayle, and stood to the westward, being
out of hope to find passage by the north-east : and my pur-

bla.
Note

40 MASTER HENKY HUDSON.

wiiiouffh- pose was now to see whether Willoughbies Land' were, as it

bies land

a conceit is lavd in our cardes : which if it were, wee micrht finde

of card- •' ' ' o

^!lT,!^Ji morses on it, for with the ice they were all driven from
thanVew-*'^ hcnce. This place ujjon Nova Zembla, is another then that
Greenland which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discovered by

(as is before _ ••-!->

observed, OHvcr Browncll : and William Barentson's observation doth

cap. 2) as

sarch"of witnesse the same.- It is layd in plot by the Hollanders out
S'^otirir's'^ of his true place too farre north : to what end I know not.

Nova Zem- , t • i i i • i i

unlesse to make it hold course with the compasse, not re-
specting the variation. It is as broad and like to yeeld
passage as the Vaygats, and my hope was, that by the strong
streame it would have cleered it selfe ; but it did not. It is
so full of ice that you will hardly thinke it. All this day,
for the most part it was fogge and cold.

The secenth, cleere but cold weather : in the morning the
wind was at the north ; from the last eevening to this morn-
ing, we set saile and kept our course west and by south,
fifteene leagues : from morning to eight a clocke in the
eevening it was calnie : then we had the wind againe at

^ The fact we here learn is im}5ortant. Willoughby's land ■was, on the
charts used by Hudson, laid down as part of Nova Zembla ; rather south
than north of 1'2P. When we consider how careful Hudson was in col-
lecting information, and further, that he was sent out by the only per-
sons in England who had an interest in north-eastern discovery (the
Muscovy Company), it becomes almost a certainty that Willoughby's
land was, in 1608, bi/ the English not thought identical with Spitzbcrgen
(the Greenland of Barentz and Hudson). If commercial jealousy of
the Dutch, the real discoverers of Spitzbcrgen, had not a short time
after Hudson's voyage raised the almost absurd belief in that identity,
the scholars of our time would have been spared much labour. Purchas
himself is the most earnest, we might, perhaps, say the most insolent,
defender of the erroneous idea, which has been ably disproved by ]\Ir.
Rundall, in his work on northern voyages. Introduction, p. ix, where all
the arguments bearing on both sides of the question may be found.

^ The mere amateur reader will hardly care about the intrinsic geo-
graphical questions involved in this sentence. The geographical scholar
will find them most amply and satisfactorily discussed, with special refer-
ence to the present passage, by Dr. Beke in his Introduction to Dc Veer,
pp. xxxii to I.

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 41

north, and we sayled till nine a clockc next morning west
south-west, eight leagues ; then the wind being west and by
south, wee went north and by west, three leagues, and wee
had the sunne at the highest south south-west, in the lati-
tude of 71 degrees, 2 minutes. The eight, faire weather ;
at noone we had the wind at east north-east, we stood north
three leagues till foure a clocke : then the wind being at
west and by north, wee stemmed north and by west one
league and a lialfe, till six a clocke in the eevening ; then
the wind was at north-east a hard gale, and wee stood till
next day at noone west and by north, by account three and
twentie leagues : we had the sunne on the meridian, south
and by west, halfe a point neerest west, in the latitude of
70 degrees, 41 minutes. The ninth, cleere weather : from
this to the next day at noone, we sayled south-west and by
west twelve leagues, and northward three leagues ; and in
these courses had these soundings, 41, 42, 46, 48, and 45
fathoms : we had the sunne south and by west, halfe a point
to the west part of the compasse. The sea was loftie : our
latitude was 70 degrees, 20 minutes.

The tenth, cleere but close weather : from this till next
day noone wee had little wind at west north-west : by ac-
count we made our way five leagues north-easterly. Wee
had the sun at the highest on the south and by west point,
and a terce westward, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 55
minutes, and I thinke we had a rustling tide under us ; and
in this time had sounding betweene fortie-five and fortic
fathomes, white sand. The eletenth, cleere weather : from
this to the next day at noone, little wind at north north-east
and sometimes calme ; wee sayled west and by north by
account five leagues ; and had the sunne on the meridian on
the south and by west point one-third west in the latitude of
70 degrees, 26 minutes, and found a rustling under us.
This fore-noone we were come into a greene sea, of the Greene sea.
colour of the mayne ocean, which we first lost the eight of

42 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

June : since which time wee have had a sea of a blacke blue
colour, which (both by the last and this yeeres experience)
is a sea pestered with ice.

The twelfth, faire weather : from noone to midnight wee
had the wind shifting betweene the north and west ; our
course was betweene west north-west and south south-west.
Then we had the wind at south ; we sayled till the next day
at noone, west and by north, thirteene leagues ; wee ac-
counted our way from the last day till this day noone west-
ward, eighteene leagues. This after-noone wee saw more
porpoises then in all our voyage afore. The thirteenth, close
weather : in the after-noone having much wind at south,
with short sayle we stood away west and by north, till eight
a clockc in the eevening : then we had the wind at south,
but most times calme till noone the next day : wee stood
away as afore, fourc leagues, which made in all twelve
leagues : we had the sunne ere it began to fall, south and
by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 22 minutes.

The fourteenth, wee stood west north-Avest till midnight,
seventecne leagues : then the wind scanted and came at
west, we stood north north-west, one league and a halfe ;
then the wind being more southerly, wee sayled west north-
west five leagues. From the last till this day at noone, our
way was out of divers courses north-west and by west, foure
and twentie leagues. We had the sunne beginning to fall
at south and by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 54
minutes.

'\l\\c fifteenth, fuire ; but towards night like to be stormie
with thunder, the wind betweene south and south south-
cast ; from this, till the sixteenth day at noone, our course
• was west and by north, seven and twentie Icagiies, and the
sunne then began to fall at south, three quarters of a point
westward, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 42 minutes. The
sixteenth, faire ; our way was from this till next day at noone
north--svcst, twelve leagues, out of divers courses : and we

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 43

had the wind shifting, sometimes at east, at west south-west,
and west and by north ; the Latitude, by a bad observation,
71 degrees, 44 minutes. The seventeenth, in the fore-noone,
faire ; the wind being at west and by north. At fourc
a clocke this morning wc saw land beare off us, west and
south south-west, which was about Ward-house '} this after-
noone wee had a stormc at west and by north, we layed it
to trie till eight a clocke in the eevening, and then set sayle
with the wind betweene west north-west and north-west :
our course till the next day at noone was south-west and by
south, twelve leagues : the Cape HopewelP bore off us south
south-west, and we were foure or five leagues from land.

The eighteenth, gusty, with raine all the fore-noone ; then
we had the wind shifting till next day at noone from south
south-east to east, and south-east : our course in generall
was north-west, foure and twentie leagues : then did North
Kene beare off us west halfe a point southward, being from
us foure leagues ; and the North Cape in sight bearing west
and by north, etc.

The seve7i and twentieth, cold, with raine and storme ; this
night we bcofan to burne candle in the betacle, which we ^" "'s'''' ">

° ° ^ teu woekes.

had not done since the nineteenth of May, by reason wee
had alwaics day from thence till now. The thirtieth, we
had the sunne upon the meridian due south, in the latitude
of 68 degrees, 46 minutes ; whereby we found us to bee
afore our ship, ten or twelve leagues, and Lowfoot^ bore east
of us, but not in sight.

The seventh of August, I used all diligence to arrive at
London, and therefore now I gave my companic a certificate
under my hand, of my free and willing return, without per-
swasion or force of any one or more of them : for at my
being at Nova Zembla, the sixt of July, voide of hoi^e of a

^ Vardoehuus Island, 70" 35' N., 31° E, in the White Sea, close to
the coast of Finmark.

" North-west of Vardoehuus Island. ^ The LufFodeu Islands.

44 :masteti iiemry tiudson.

north-east passage (except by the Waygats, for which I was
not fitted to trie or prove), I therefore resolved to use all
nieanes I could to sayle to the north-west ; considering the
time and meanes wee had, if the wind should friend us, as
in the first part of our voyage it had done, and to make triall
of that place called Lumleys Inlet,' and the furious over-fall
by Captain Davis, hoping to runne into it an hundred
leagues, and to returne as God should enable mee. But now
having spent more then halfe the time I had, and gone
but the shortest part of the way, by means of contrary
winds, I thought it my duty to save victuall, wages, and
tackle, by my speedy returne, and not by foolish rashnesse,
the time being wasted, to lay more charge upon the action
then necessitie should compell, I arrived at Gravesend the
sixe and tioentieth of August.

^ See Hakluyt, x, 3 (Purchas). The journal of Captain Davis, to
which Purchas refers, is not clear enough to allow us to fix the situation
of Lumley's inlet with any degree of certainty. The inlet was perhaps
identical with Hudson's strait, or perhaps somewhat further north, where
modern geographers place Frobisher's sti'ait. The maj^s of these regions
are still too unsatisfixctory to afford a fair ground for any guesses about
the real meaning of the still vaguer indications of the early navigators.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 45

THE THIRD VOYAGE OF
MASTEll HENRY HUDSON,

TOWARD NOVA ZEMBLA, AND AT HIS EETURNE, HIS PASSING FROM FARRE

ISLANDS TO NEW-FOUND LAND, AND ALONG TO FORTIE-FOURE DEGREES

AND TEN MINUTES, AND THENCE TO CAPHt COD, AND SO TO THIRTIE-

THEEE DEGREES; AND ALONG THE COAST TO THE NORTHWARD,

TO FOETIE-TWO DEGREES AND AN HALFE, AND UP THE

RIVER NEERE TO FORTIE-THREE DEGREES.

IVrittcn by Robert Juet, of Lime-house.

On Saturday, the Jive and twentieth of March, 1609, after
the old account, we set sayle from Amsterdam, and by the
seven and tioentieth day, we were downe at the Texel : and
by twelve of the clocke we were off the land, it being east
of us two leagues off. And because it is a journey usually
knowne, I omit to put downe what passed till we came to
the height of the North Cape of Finmarke, which we did
performc by the f ft of May {stilo novo), being Tuesday. May o,

siilo novo.

On which day we observed the height of the pole, and found
it to bee 71 degrees, and 46 minutes ; and found our com-
passe to vary six degrees to the west ; and at twelve of the
clocke, the North Cape did beare south-west and by south
tenne leagues off, and wee steered away east and by south
and east.

After much trouble, with fogges sometimes, and more
dangerous of ice. The nineteenth, being Tuesday, was close
stormie weather, with much wind and snow, and very cold :
the wind variable betweene the north north-Avcst and north-
east. We made our (vay west and by north till noonc.

46 ^ MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

Then we observed the sunne having a slake,^ and found our
heigth to bee 70 degrees, 30 minutes. And the ship had
out-runne us twentie leagues, by reason of the set of the

Wdrdhou"s'e*'' stroamc of the White Sea : and we had sight of Wardhouse.^
Then at two of the clocke wee tackt to the eastward : for we
could not get about the North Cape, the wind was so scant ;
and at eight of the clocke at night, on the one and tiventictJi,

They don- tl^e North Cape did beare south-east and by south seven

bled tlio ^ •'

Norih Cape, igj^nrues ofF. And at mid-night Assumption Point^ did beare

Assumption c ox

^'"""'" south and by east, five leagues off us.

The two and twentieth, gusting weather, with haile and
snow, the sunne breaking out sometimes : Ave continued our
course along the land west south-west. And at tenne of the

zemim. clockc at night we were thwart off Zenam,^ The bodie of it
did beare east off us five leagues : and the course from the
North Cape to Zenam is for the most part west and by
south, and west south-west, fiftie-foure leagues.

The three and tiocntieth, faire sunshining weather ; the
wind at east and by south, and east south-east ; wee steered
along the land south-west, and south-west and by west,
eight leagues a ■\vatch, for so we found the land to lye
from Zenam to Lofoote.^ And the distance is fiftie leagues
from the bodie of Zenam to the westermost land of Lofoote.^
And from the one to the other, the course is south-west and

^ A spot 1 The word slake, as a substantive, seems to be a uorth country
word, meaning, according to Brocket, " an accumulation of mud or slime,
from dijck, cocnum, lutum."' If Hudson observed a spot on the sun the
21st of March, 1609, he was undoubtedly the earliest discoverer of this
most interesting phenomenon ; the observation of Thomas Ilariot, which
is considered as the first on record, being more than a year and a half
later (Dec. 8th, IGIO). Hudson had the disadvantage of observing with-
out a telescope. " Vardoehuus Island.

^ Evidently to the south-east of the North Cape, probably a cape on
one of the neighbouring islands, Maasoo, Jehnsoe, or Igencie.

'' Probably the island of Scnjen, lat. (ISP :2o', long. 17° E., lying west of
Norway, close to the coast.

•' The Lullbdeu Islands. « Vaerii Island, lat. (i7^^ -10', long. 11° ;3(i' E.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 47

by west. For the needle of our compasse was set right to
the north. At twelve of the clocke at night, the boclic of
Lofoote did beare south-east, sixe leagues off. i.ofootc

The foure and tioentieth, faire cleere sun-shining wea-
ther : the wind variable upon all points of the compasse, but
most upon the south-east, and sometimes calme. We con-
tinued our course west south-west as before. And at eight
of the clocke at night the souther part of Lofoote did bearc
south-east ten leagues off us. tion!*^™'

The Jicc and twentieth, much wind at north-east, with
some snow and haile. The first watch the wind came to the
east a fine gale, and so came to the north-east, the second
watch, at foure of the clocke, and freshed in : and at eight
of the clocke it grew to a storme, and so continued. At
noone we observed, and made the ship to be in 67 degrees,
58 minutes. Wee continued our course south-west twelve
leagues a watch. At nine of the clocke, Lofoote did beare
east of us 15 leagues off. And we found the compasse to
have no variation. The wind increased to a storme.

The sixe and tioentieth, was a great storme at the north
north-east, and north-east. Wee steered away south-west
afore the wind with our fore course abroad : for we were
able to maintayue no more sayles, it blew so vehemently,
and the sea went so high, and brake withall, that it Avould
have dangered a small ship to lye under the sea. So we
skudded seventy leagues in foure and twentie hourcs. The
storme began to cease at foure of the clocke.

The seven and twentieth, indifferent faire weather, but a
good stiffe gale of wind at north, and north north-east ; wee
held on our course as before. At noone wee observed and
found our heigth to be 64 degrees, 10 minutes. And wee
loerceived that the current had hindered us in fortie-eisfht ^^ «'"''"' <'"•"■

^ " rent selling

houres to the number of 16 leagues to our best judgement.
We set our mayne-sayle, sprit-saylc, and our mayne-top-
sayle, and held on our course all night, having faire wea-
ther.

to theiiorlh-

CflSt.

MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The eight and twentieth, fairc Aveathcr and little wind at
north-cast, we held on our course south-west. At noone
wee observed the heigth, and were in 62 degrees, and 30
minutes. The aftcr-noonc was little wind at north north-
west. The second watch it fell calme. At foure of the
Farrfiiics clockc wcc had sio'ht of the iles called Farre,^ and found

set 11 o -'

toeTest. them to lye out of their place in the sea chart fourteene
leagues to farre westerly. For in running south-west from
Lofoote, wee had a good care to our steerage and observa-
tions ; and counted ourselves thirtie leagues off by our
course and observation, and had sight of them sixteene or
eighteene leagues off.

The 7iine and tioentieth, faire weather, sometimes calme
and sometimes a gale, with the wind varying at south-west,
and so to the north-east. Wee got to the Hands, but could
not get in. So we stood along the Hands. The ebbe being
come, we durst not put in.

Thirtieth, faire weather ; the wind at south-east, and east
south-east. In the morning we turned into a road in Stromo,

stromo. one of the Hands of Farre, betweene Stromo and Mugge-
nes, and got in by nine of the clocke, for it flowed so there
that day. And as soone as we came in we M'ent to romage,
and sent our boat for water, and filled all our empty caskcs
with fresh water. Wee made an end of our rpmaging this
night bv ten of the clocke.

The one and thirtieth, faire sunshining weather, the wind
at east south-east. In the fore-noone our master with most
of his company went on shoare to Avalkc, antl at one of the
clocke they returned aboard. Then we set sayle.

.lunc. The Jirst of June, stilo novo, fairc sun-shining weather,

the wind at east south-east. Wc continued on our course
south-west and by west. At noone wee observed the
sunnc, and found our heigth to be sixty degrees, fifty-

eight minutes

and so continued on our course all night

1 The Faroe Ishuuls, lat. iW 40' N.; long. G' 30° W.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 49

with faire weather. This night we lighted candles in the
bittacle^ againe.

The second, mystic weather, the Avind at north-east. At
noone we steered away west south-west to find Basse Iland,'^ ^'^^^^^^
discovered in the yeere 1578 by one of the ships of Sir
Martin Frobisher, to see if it lay in her true latitude in the
chart or no : wee continued our course as before all night,
with a faire gale of wind : this night we had sight of the Their first

o no sight of

first stars, and our water was changed colour to a white fu^her""^

rpi 1. 1 • i* north they

greene. i he compasse had no variation. hmicon-

mi 1 • T r - ^ • • i i • ^ i tinuall suii-

ihe third, laire sun-shinmg weather; the wind at north- light.

Clirtuge of

east. We steered on our course south-west and by west, ^•''^er.
with a stifle gale of wind. At noone we observed and found
our heigth to bee 58 degrees, 48 minutes. And I was before
the ship 16 leagues, by reason of the current that held us so a strange

^ CI ' J current out

strong out of the south-west. For it is eight leagues in °*e''i,'i®''°""''
foure and twentie houres. We accounted our selves neere
Busse Hand : by mid-night wee looked out for it, but could
not see it.^

The fourth, in the morning, was much wind, with fogge

and raine. Wee steered away soutii-west by west all the. "

fore-noone, the wind so increasing that wee were enforced , ''>>

to take in our top-sale : the winde continuing so all the after,-i , , , ; ' ' ;

noone. Wee steered away south-west all the fore-part oi '' ,.''

the night; and at ten of the clocke at night it was littlo - >>..

wind, and that was south, and so came up to the south south- '■ .' ! . , ,

east. ■„•• .'• ,''.''

The _^i!, stormie weather, and much wind at south and;' .',,,',

^ The bittacle is a close place in which the compasse standeth. ', ^ ,>

^ It is impossible to indicate the real situation of Busse Island, whicJj' ' '' >

was discovered by one of Frobisher's ships on its return to England. Th<3> . •' >' • ,
accounts of this voyage which have come down to us are even more,' ■' '•**
unsatisfactory than most of the geographical materials of this period., ' \

Frobisher's discoveries have always been, and still are, a puzzle to geq-, •
graphers. • . , .

^ They would probably not have found it, even in daylight. ' ' ',

7 "'•-'!

50 MASTER HKNKY HUDSON.

south by cast, so that at t'ouro of the clocke in the morning
we tooke in our forc-saylc, and Lay ^ try with our mayne
corse, and tryed away west north-west foure leagues. But
at noonc it was Icsse wind, and the sunne showed forth, and
we observed and found our heigth to be 56 degrees, 2\

Note well, niinutcs. In the after-noone the wind vcred to and fro be-
twcene the soutli-west and the south-east, with raine and
fogge, and so continued all night. Wee found that our ship
had gone to the westward of our course. The sixth, thicke
hasie weather, with gusts of wind and showers of raine. The
wind varied betweene east south-east and south-west, wee
steered on many courses a west south-west way. The after-
noone watch the Avind was at east south-east, a stiffe gale
with myst and raine. Wee steered away south-west by west
eight leagues. At noone the sunne shone forth, and we
found the heigth to bee 56 degrees, 8 minutes. The seventh,
faire sun-shining weather all the fore-noone, and calme
imtill twelve of the clocke. In the after-noone the wind
came to the north-west, a stiffe gale. Wee steered south-
west by west, and made a south-west way. At noone we
-found the height to bee 56 degrees, one minute, and it con-
tinued all night a hard gale. The enjlit, stormy weather,
-the wind variable betweene Avest and north-Avest, much Avind :

ji.jipis fire and at eight of the clocke Avee tooke off our bonnets. At

tl.o.se wluuu °

IT- iH.-ed <iioone the sunne shewed forth and Avee observed, and our
to ei'u,u|Je'^^ height Avas 5J: degrees, oO minutes. The ;^//^/A, faire sun-
rete'rcure 'shining wcather, and little wind all the fore part of the daye
,t'io '. ayiie -untill clcvcn of the clocke. Then the Avind came to the

course,

iLioLtn south south-east, and we steered away Avest south-Avest. At

course, toie _ ' •'

uTiTrstooi T^oonc we found our height to bee 53 degrees and 45 minutes,
^uj'eswitii- iind we had made our way south by west ten leagues. In
bo.ijis. the after-noone the a\ ind increased, and continued all night

at east north-east and east.
' UMie tenth, faire Aveather, the wind variable betwerne east

north-east and south-east ; Avee sleired on our course as

THIRD VOYAGE (l()()y). 51

before. At foiire of the clock in the afternoone the wind
came up at south-east. And we held on our course as be-
fore. At noone M'ce observed and found our hei"ht to be
52 degrees, 35 minutes.

The eleventh, in the morning, was thicke and foggie, the
winde varying betweene south south-west and north west.
At foure of tlie clocke in the morning, mcc tackt about to
the southward : at eleven of the clocke the winde came to
the north-west, and so to the west north-west. This day
we had change of water, of a whitish greene, like to the ice
water to the north-west. At noone it clecred up, and be-
came very faire weather : wee put out our mayne top-sayle :
then we observed the sunne, and found our height to be 51
degrees, 24 minutes. We had sayled many courses and
found our ship gone to the southward of our account ten
leagues, by reason of a current from the north-ward.^ The a current

, . , from tlie

compasse varied one point to the east. uortb.

Variation

The hvelfth, faire sun-shining weather, but much wind at o"e point
the west : we stood to the southward all day, the wind shift-
ing between the south-west and the west and by north.
Wee made our way south halfe a point west, eight and
twentie leagues. Our height at noone was 50 degrees, 9
minutes. At eight of the clock at night we took off our
bonets, the wind increasing.

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather : the wind vari-
able betweene the west and north north-west. Wee made
our way south south-west, seven and twentie leagues. At
noone we observed, and found our height to be 48 degrees,
45 minutes, but not to be trusted, the sea went so high.
In the after-noone the winde Avas calmer, and wee brought
to our bonets, and stood to the southward all night with a
stiffe gale.

T\).e fourteenth, faire and clcere sun-shining weather: the
winde variable betweene the north-west and south-west by

^ The .h-ctic current, from Davis' and Iliulrion's Straits to the suuth.

62 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

west. At midnight I observed the north starre at a north-
west by west guarde ; a good observation 49 degrees, 30
minutes. And at noone wee observed the sunne, and our
height Avas 48 degrees, 6 minutes. And I made account
we ranne betweene the two observations twelve leagues.
At one of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to
the westward, and stood so all night : the winde increased to
a storme, and was very much winde with raine.

The fifteenth, we had a great storme, and spent* over-
boord our fore-mast, bearing our fore corse low set. The
sixteenth, we were forced to trie with our mayne saylc,
'"''^' by reason of the unconstant weather. So wee tried foure

watches, south-east and by south eight leagues and an halfe,
two watches, sixe leagues. The seventeenth, reasonable faire
weather : the wind variable betweene west south-west aud
west north-west. And a stifFe gale of wind, and so great a
swelling sea out of the west south-west, that wee could doe
nothing. So one watch and an halfe wee drove north foure
leagues and a halfe, and foure watches and an halfe south
and by east halfe a point east twelve leagues. The eigh-
teenth, reasonable weather but close and cloudie, and an
hard gale of wind, and a great sea. The winde being at
the north-west, wee lay to the southward, and made our
drift south and by west, five leagues. The after-noone
prooved little wind, and the night part calme. The nine-
teenth, in the fore-noone, faire weather and calme. In the
morning we set the piece of our fore mast, and set our fore
corse.

The one and ticenlictJt,, faire sun-shining wcatlic]', but

much wind and a great sea. We split our fore sayle at ten

i.Jt! lu)"'^ '''' of the cloche ; then we laid it a trie* with our mayne sayle,

buitire'^''' and coulinued so all day. In the night it fell to be little

biijie, etc. wind. This day our hcigth was 45 degrees, 48 minutes.

The two and twentieth, very faire sun-shining weather,
aiid calme all the aitcr-noonc. At not)nc we made a \erv

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 53

good observation, and found our heigth 44 degrees, 58 mi-
nutes. At eight of the clocke at night wee had a small gale
of winde at south-east. And wee steered away west for New-
found Land.^ The true compasse varied one point east. variaiiuu.

The three and twentieth, thicke weather with much wind
and some raine. At eight of the clocke in the morning, the
wind came to the west south-west and west so stiffe a gale, that
we were forced to take our top-sayle, and steered aAvay
north north-west untill foure of the clock in the after-noone.
Then Ave tact to the southward, the winde at west north-
west. At eight of the clocke at night wee tooke in our top-
sayles, and laid it a trie with our mayne sayle, the winde
at west.

The foure and twentieth, a stiffe gale of wind, varying bc-
tweene the west and north north-west ; we tried till sixe of
the clocke : at which time we set our fore saile, and steered
way west and by south by our compasse eight leagues in
foure watches ; and wee tried away south in one Avatch and
an halfe.

The Jive and twentieth, faire sun- shining weather, the
wind at north north-west and north, we steered away west
by south by our compasse till twelve of the clocke : at which
time we had sight of a sayle and gave her chase, but could
not speake Avith her. She stood to the eastward ; and we
stood after her till sixe of the clocke in the after-noone.
Then wee tact to the westward againe, and stood on our
course. It was faire all night, and little wind sometimes.

^ Newfoundland was, in Hudson's time, a very vague term. The
coasts which it seems to embrace were so imperfectly known, that a strict
geographical interpretation of the term is quite impossible. It was, by
authors and seamen, applied to all the North American coasts along which
the codfisheries were established. Hudson himself includes under the
name of Newfoundland the coast down to about 43° 20', that is to say,
Nova Scotia. Although Hudson's Newfoundland stretches thus much
farther south than the island which still bears that time-honoured name,
the island formed even then the main part of Newfoundland.

54 mastp:r iiknuy hudsox.

The six and twentieth, all the forepart of the day very
faire weather and hot, but at foure of the clocke in the after-
noone it grew to bee much winde and raine : the winde
Avas at south south-cast. At noone wee observed and found
our heigth to bee 44 degrees, oo minutes. At eight of the
clocke at night the wind came to the south-west, and west
south-west. Wee steered north-west, one watch, and at
twelve in the night to the west, and west and by south,
very much wind. So we could lye but north north-west.

'J'he seven and twentieth, very much winde and a soare
storme, the wind westerly. In the morning, at foure of the
clocke, wee tooke in our fore-corse, and layd it a trie with
our mayne-corse low set ; and so continued all the day and
night, two watches to the northward. At eight of the clocke
at night, we tackt to the southward.

The eicjht and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the
wind at west and by south ; we lay a trie to the southward
till eight of the clocke in the morning. Then we set our
fore-corse, and stood to the southward, a stiffe gale of wind,
but faire weather and a great sea out of the wester-boord,
and so continued all night.

The nine and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the
wind at west and by south ; we stood to the southward
untill sixe of the clocke at night, and made our way south
and by cast foure leagues. Then the winde came to the
south-west, and wee cast about to the westward, and made
our way west north-west all night. At noone, I found the
height 43 degrees, (5 minutes. 'J'hc variation one point
west.

The tJiirtieth, faire sun-shining weather^ the winde at
south-west and by west ; we steered north-west and by west,
and made our way so, by reason of the variation of the eom-
passe. At noone, I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 18
minutes ; wee continued our course all night, and made our
way north-west and by west, luilfe a point westerly, iive and
twentie leasjues.

'JUIRD VOYAGE (1609). 55

T\\e first of Jithj, close, mystie and thicke weather, but a luiy.
faire gale of wind at south-west, and south-west by south.
We steered away north-west and by west westerly, and
made our way so, by reason of the variation of the compasse.
At ei<jht of the clocke at niiiht wee sounded for the banke of '^,!'v '*""'"'
New-found Land,^ but could get no ground. '""'"" '"'"''

The second, thicke niytitie weather, but little wind, and
that at west and west and by south. At eight of the clocke
in the jnorning we cast about to the southward, and when
our ship was on stayes, we sounded for the banke, and had
ground in thirtie fothoms, white sand and shells, and pre-
sently it cleered : and we had sight of a sayle, but spake
not with her. In the night wee had much rayne, thunder
and lightning, and Avind shifting.

The third, faire sun-shining weather, with a faire gale of
wind at east north-east, and wee steered away west south-
west by our compasse, which varyed 17 degfrees westward, variation

•' ^ ^ •' o west, ir

This morning we were among a great fleet of French-men, jl-'^llfXiiicii
which lay fishing on the banke ; but we spake with none of ute I'mik".
them. At noone wee found our heighth to bee 4-3 degrees,
41 minutes. And we sounded at ten of the clocke, and had
thirtie fathoms gray sand. At two of the clocke wee sounded,
and had five and thirtie fathoms, gray sand. At eight of the
clocke at night we sounded againe, and had eight and thirtie
fathoms, gray sand as before.

The fourth, at the fore-part of the day cleere, with a faire
gale of Avind, but variable betweene the east north-east and
south and by east ; wee held on our course as before. The
after-noone was mystie, the wind shifting betweene the
south and the west till foure of the clocke. Then we tooke
in our top-sayle and sprit-sayle, and sounded and had no
ground in seventie fathoms. The winde shifted still untill
eight of the clocke, then it came to the north north-east and

^ Probably near Cape Sable, the most southern point of Nova Scotia ;
lat. 43° 22' N.; long. 60° 35' W. See note at p. 53.

56 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

north-east and by north, and wee steered away west north-
west by our varyed compasse, which made a west way lialfe
point north. The compasse varyed 15 degrees from the
north to the west.

The J?/i{, faire sun-shining weather, the wind at north-east
and by north ; we steered away west north-west, which was
west halfe a point north. At noone we found our heighth
to be 44 degrees, 10 minutes, and sounded and had no
ground in one hundred fathoms. The after-noone proved
cahne sometimes, and sometimes little wind, untill nine of
the clocke in the night. Then the wind came to the
east, and we held on our course. At midnight I observed
and found the height to bee 44 degrees, 10 minutes, by the
ia^de''rees ^lo^'th starrc and the scorpions heart. The compasse varyed
13 degrees.

The sixth, the forepart of the day faire weather, and a stiffe
gale of wind betweene south south-east and south-west; wee
steered west and by north and west north-west. The after-
Foggieand pj^^.f; ^f ^\-^q j^y fi'om two of the clocke, was all fosrcrie and
''""'''■ thicke weather ; the wind a hard gale, varying betweene

south-west and by south and west and by north ; we made
our way north-west halfe a point northerly, nineteene leagues,
upon many points foure watches. At night, at eight of the
clocke, we sounded and had no ground at one hundred
fathoms.

The seventh, faire sun-shining weather, the wind varying
betweene west and by north and west and by south. At
foure of the clocke in the morning we cast about to the
southward, and stood so till one in the after-noone. At
noone we found our height to be 44 degrees, 26 minutes.
At seven of the clocke we tackt to the northward. At eight
at night we tackt to the southward and sounded, and had
nine and fiftie fathoms, white sand.

The eight, in the forc-noonc faire weather, but the morn-
wvjC fouuic till seven of the clocke. At foure of the clocke

."in

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 57

in the morning we sounded, and had five and fortie fathoms,
fine white sand, and we had runnc five leagues south and
by west. Then wee stood along one glasse, and went one
league as before. Then we stood one glasse and sounded,
and had sixtie fathoms. Then Me tackt and stood backe to
the banke, and had five and twentie fathoms ; and tryed for
fish, and it fell calme, and we caught one hundred and
eighteene great coddes, from eight a clocke till one, and ^d^ukeu!
and after dinner wee tooke twelve, and saw many great
scoales of herrings. Then Avee had a gale of wind at south ; gcoaies^or*
and it shifted to the west north-west, and wee stood three •'^''""s^-
glasses and sounded and had sixtie fathomes, and stood two to°ti?e the^
glasses and had two and fortie fathoms, red stones and shells, ihfe aua
So wee sounded every glasse, and had severall soundings 35, poie.'etc.
S3, 30, 31, 32, 33 and 34 fathoms.

The ninth, faire calme weather ; we lay becalmed all day
and caught some fish, but not much, because we had small
store of salt. At three of the clocke in the after-noone wee
had a gale at south-east and south south-east, and we steered
away westerly; our compasse was west and by south halfe
a point south. At foure of the clocke we sounded and had
but fifteene, seventeene, and nineteene fathoms on a fishing
banke ; and we sounded every glasse. Then we could get
no ground in five and twentie fathoms, and had sight of a
sayle on head off us. At noone our height was 44 degrees,
27 minutes. We stood to the westward all night, and
spake with a French-man, which lay fishing on the banke of
Sablen,^ in thirtie fathoms, and we saw two or three more.

The tenth, very mystie and thicke weather, the wind at
south-west, a faire gale. We stood to the south-ward, and
made our way south-east and by east. At twelve of the
clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms : againe
at two we sounded, and had fiftie fathoms. And at sixe of
the clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms on
^ Banc des Sables, off Mahoue Bay.

68 MASTKU HENRY HUDSON.

the end of the bankc. Againe at eight of the clocke at

night wee sounded, and had no ground in cightic fathomes,

and -were over the banke. So wee stood along till mid-

variation nigrht. The compasse varyed seventeen degrees to the west-

17 degrees. O I J ^

ward.

The eleccnth, very thicke and mystie weather. At twelve
of the clocke at night we cast about to the westward, and
stood so all day, and made our way west north-west. We
sounded at twelve of the clocke, but had no ground ; so we
stood to the westward all the fore part of the night and
sounded, but could get no ground in fiftie or sixtie fathoms
till mid-night. Then I sounded and had ground at fifteene
fathoms, white sand.

The twelfth was very foggie, we stood our course all the

morning till eleven of the clocke ; at which time we had

[ow white^ sight of the land, which is low white sandie ground, right

and'saudie. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ . ^^^^ j^.^^^ ^^^^ fathoms. Then we tackt to the

southward, and stood off foure glasses : then we tackt to the
land againe, thinking to have rode under it, and as we came
neere it the fog was so thicke that we could not see ; so wee
stood off againe. From mid-night to two of the clocke we
came sounding in twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathoms
off the shoare. At foure of the clocke we had 20 fathoms.
At eight of the clocke at night, 30 fathoms. At twelve of
the clocke, 65 fathoms, and but little winde, for it deeped
apace, but the neerer the shoare the fairer shoalding.

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather, from eight of
the clocke in the fore-noone all day after, but in the morn-
ing it was foggie. Then at eight of the clocke we cast about
for the shoare, but could not see it ; the w^ind being at south
by our true compasse, wee steered west and by north. At
43 dogrets, noouc WO obscrved, and found our height to bee 43 degrees,

25 iiiiiiules. o i-

25 minutes ; so we steered away M'cst and by north all the
aftcr-noone. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone we
sounded, and had five and thirtie fathoms ; and at sixe of

THIRD VOYAGK (1609). 59

the clocke wee had sig-ht of the hind, and saw two saylcs on i^,',^'j''J'^j

head ofF us. The hand by the waters side is low land, and si"'/,""''"

againe,
rtvvo
lips.

white sandie bankes rising, full of little hils. Our sound-
ings were 35, 33, 30, 28, 32, 37, 33, and 3.^ fathoms.

The fourteenth, full of mysts, flying and vading the wind
betweene south and south-west; we steered away west north-
west, and north-west and by west. Our soundings were 29,
25, 24, 25, 22, 25, 27, 30, 28, 30, 35, 43, 50, 70, 90, 70, 64,
86, 100 fathoms, and no ground.

The fifteenth, very mj^stie, the wiude varying betweene
south and south-west ; wee steered west and by north, and
west north-west. In the morning we sounded, and had one
hundred fathoms, till foure of the clocke in the after-noone.
Then we sounded againe, and had seventie-five fathoms.
Then in two glasses running, which was not above two
English miles, we sounded and had sixtie fathoms, and it
shoalded a great pace untill we came to tweiitie fathoms.
'J'hen we made account we were neere the islands that lie
off the shoare. So we came to an anchor, the sea being very
smooth and little wind, at nine of the clocke at night. After
supper we tryed for fish, and I caught fifteene cods, some
the greatest that I have scene, and so Ave rode all night.

The sixteenth, in the morning, it cleered up, and we had
siorht of five islands lying north, and north and by west from Five

» J O J : islands.

us, two leagues. Then wee made ready to set sayle, but the
myst came so thicke that we durst not enter in among them.
The seventeenth, was all mystic, so that we could not get
into the harbour. At ten of the clocke two boats came off
to us, with sixe of the savages of the countrey, seeming glad sixesavages

' o ^ ' D o come aboard

of our comming. We gave them trifles, and they eate and *'^'^°^'
dranke with us ; and told us that there were gold, silver,
and copper mynes hard by us -, and that the French-men
doe trade with them ; which is very likely, for one of them
spake some words of French. So wee rode still all day and
all night, the weather continuing mystic.

60 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The eighteenth, faire weather, wee went into a very good

harbour, and rode hard by the shoare in foure fathom water.

A large 'Y\\c x'wcv runucth UD a srreat way, but there is but two

river. l o .' '

fathoms hard by us. \\e went on shoare and cut us a fore

mast ; then at noone we came aboord againe, and found the

44 Jegrecs, height of thc placc to bee in 44 degrees, 1 minute, and the

1 minute. O l O ' J

sunne to fall at a south south-west sunne, AYe mended our
sayles, and fell to make our fore-mast. The harbour lyeth
south and north, a mile in where we rode.

The 7imeteenth, we had faire sun-shining weather, we rode
still. In the after-noone wee went with our boate to looke
for fresh water, and found some ; and found a shoald with
many lobsters on it, and caught one and thirtie. The people
coming aboord, shewed us great friendship, but we could
not trust them. The twentieth, faire sunne-shining weather,
the winde at south-west. In the morning, our scute went
ou^t to catch fresh fish halfe an houre before day, and re-
turned in two houres, bringing seven and twentie great
coddes, with two hookes and lines. In the afternoone wee
went for more lobsters and caught fortie, and returned
aboard. Then wee espied two French shallops full of the
country people come into the harbour, but they offered us
no wrong, seeing we stood vipon our guard. They brought
many beaver skinncs and other fine furres, which they would
ule" French^ havc chaugcd for redde gownes. For the French trade
salvages, with them for red cassockes, knives, hatchets, copper, kettles,
trevits, beadcs, and other trifles.

The one and twentieth, all mystic, the wind easterly ; wee
rode still and did nothing, but about our mast. The two
and tioentieth, fair sun-shining weather, tlie winde all north-
erly ; wc rode still all thc day. In thc after-noone our scute
went to catch more lobsters, and brought with them nine
and fiftie. The night was cleerc weather.

The three and twentietJi, i'aire sun-shining wcatlicr and
very hot. At eleven of tlie clocke our fore mast Mas finished,

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 61

aiid wee brought it aboorcl, and set it into the step, and in
the after-noone we rigged it. This night we had some little
myst and rayne.

The foure and twentieth, very hot weather, the winde at
south out of the sea. The fore-part of the day wee brought
to our sayles. In the morning our scute went to take fish,
and in two hourcs they brought with them twentie great
coddes and a great holibut ; the night Avas faire also. We
kept good watch for fear of being betrayed by the people,
and perceived where they layd their shallops.

The^i^e and twentieth, very faire weather and hot. In
the morning wee manned our scute with foure muskets and
sixe men, and tooke one of their shallops and brought it
aboord. Then we manned our boat and scute with twelve
men and muskets, and two stone pieces or murderers, and
drave the savasces from their houses, and tooke the spovle of P'®y ^p°J'''^

o ' r J nouses

them, as they would have done of us. Then wee set sayle, salvages.
and came downe to the harbours mouth, and rode there all
night, because the winde blew right in, and the night grew
mystie with much rayne till mid-night. Then it fell calme,
and the wind came off' the land at west north-west, and it
began to cleere. The compasse varyed ten degrees north-
north-west.

The size and tiventieth, faire and cleere sunne-shining
weather. At five of the clocke in the morning, the winde
being off the shoare at north north-west, we set sayle and
came to sea, and by noone we counted our ship had gone
fourteene leagues south-west. In the after-noone, the winde
shifted variably betweene west south-west and north-west.
At noone I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 56 minutes.
This eevening being very faire weather, wee observed the
variation of our compasse at the sunnes going downe, and iifjg*'j."gg
found it to bee 6 degrees from the north to the westward. n'^^tu.Ve'st.

The seven and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the
winde shifting betweene the south-west and west and by

62 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

nortli a stiffc gale ; we stood to the southward all day, and
made our way south and by west, seven and twentie leagues.
At noone, our height was 42 degrees, 50 minutes. At foure
of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to the north-
ward. At eiglit of the clocke, we tooke in our top-saylcs
and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sayle all night.

The eight and twentieth, very thicke and mystie, and a
stiffe gale of wind, varying betweene south south-west and
south-west and by west ; we made our way north-west and
by M'est, seven and twentie leagues ; wee sounded many
times and could get no ground. At five of the clocke we
cast about to the southward, the wind at south-west and
by west. At which time we sounded, and had ground at
seventie-five fathoms. At eight, wee had sixtie-five fathoms.
At ten, sixtie. At twelve of the clocke at mid-night, fiftie-
sixe fathoms, gray sand.

The compasse varyed 6 degrees to the north point to the
west.

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, we stood to the
southward, and made our way south and by west a point
south, eighteene leagues. At noone we found our height to
be 42 degrees, 56 minutes ; wee sounded oft and had these,
60, 64, 65, 67, 65, 65, 70, and 75 fathoms. At night wee
tryed the variation of our compasse by the setting of the
sunne, and found that it went downe 37 degrees to the north-
ward of the west, and should have gone downe but 31 de-
grees. The compasse varyed 5 and a halfe degrees.

The thirtieth, very hot, all the fore part of the day calme,
the wind at south south-east ; wee steered away west south-
west and sounded many times, and could find no ground at
one hundred and seventie fathomcs. We found a great cur-
rent and many over-falls. Our current had deceived us.
For at noone wc found our height to be 41 degrees, 34
minutes. And the current had heaved us to the south-
ward foureteene leagues. At eight of the clocke at night I

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 63

sounded, and had ground in flftie-two fathomes. In the end
of the mid-night M'atch wee had fiftie-threc fathomes. This
last ©bservation is not to be trusted.

The one and thirtieth, very thicke and mystie all day,
untill tcnne of the clocke. At night the wind came to the
south, and south-west and south. We made our way west
north-west, nineteene leagues. Wee sounded many times,
and had difference of soundings, sometimes little stones, and
sometimes grosse gray sand, fiftic-sixe, fiftie-foure, fortie-
eight, fortie-seven, fortie-foure, fortie-six'e, fiftie fathoms ;
and at eight of the clocke at night it fell calme, and we had
fiftie fathomes. And at ten of the clocke we heard a great
rut, like the rut of the shoare. Then I sounded and found -^ si'^^t rut.
the former depth ; and mistrusting a current, seeing it so
still that the ship made no way, I let the lead lie on the
ground, and found a tide set to the south-west, and south-
west and by west, so fast, that I could hardly vere the line
so fast, and presently came an hurlinor current, or tyde with a current

' -i •' O ' .' tothesouth-

over-fals, Avhich cast our ship round ; and the lead was so ^f^t^^^est
fast in the ground that I feared the lines breaking, and we over-feia!"^
had no more but that. At midnight I sounded againe, and
we had seventie-five fathomes ; and the strong streame had
left us.

The^rs^ of August, all the fore part of the day was mys- August.
tie ; and at noone it cleered up. We found that our height
was 41 degrees, 45 minutes, and w^e had gone nineteene
leagues. The after-noon was reasonable cleere. We found
a rustling tide or current with many over-fals to continue
still, and our water to change colour, and our sea to bee very
deepe, for wee found no ground in one hundred fathomes.
The night was cleere, and the winde came to the north, and
north-east; we steered west.

The second, very faire weather and hot ; from the morn-
ing till noone we had a gale of wind, but in the after-noone
little wind. At noone I sounded, and had one hundred and

64 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

ten fathomes ; and our height was 41 degrees, 56 minutes.
And wee had runne four and twentie leagues and an halfe.
At the sun-setting we observed the variation of the Tom-
passe, and found that it was come to his true place. At
eight of the clocke the gale increased, so wee ranne sixe
leagues that watch, and had a very faire and cleere night.

The third, very hot weather. In the morning we had

sight of the land, and steered in with it, thinking to go

to the northward of it. So we sent our shallop with five

men to sound in by the shore : and they found it deepe five

They goeon fathomcs witliiu a bow-shot of the shoare ; and they went on

land iieere •'

Cape Cod. jj^j-j(j^ j^j^(j found goodly grapes and rose trees, and brought
them aboord with them, at five of the clocke in the eeven-
ing. We had seven and twentie fathomes within two miles
of the shoare ; and we found a floud come from the south-
east, and an ebbe from the north-west, with a very strong
streame, and a great hurling and noyses. At eight of the
clocke at night the wind began to blow a fresh gale, and
continued all night but variable. Our sounding that wee
had to the land was one hundred, eightie, seventie-foure,
fiftie-two, fortie-sixe, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie-
foure, nineteene, sometimes oze, and sometimes gray sand.

The fourth, was very hot ; we stood to the north-Avest,
two watches, and one south in for the land, and came to an
anchor at the norther end of the headland, and heard the
voyce of men call. Then we sent our boat on shoare, think-
ing they had beene some Christians left on the land : but

Savages, wcc found them to bee savages, which seemed very glad of
our comming. So wee brought one aboard with us, and
gave him mcate, and he did eate and drinke with us. Our
master gave him three our foure glasse buttons, and sent
him on land with our shallop againe. And at our boats
comming from the shoare he leapt and danced, and held up
liis hands, and pointed us to a river on the other side : for
we had made signes that we came to fish there. The bodie

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 65

of this headland lyeth in 41 degrees, 45 minutes.^ "We set
sayle againe after dinner, thinking to have got to the west-
ward of this headland, but could not ; so we beare up to the
southward of it, and made a south-east way ; and the souther
point did beare west at eight of the clocke at night. Our
soundings about the easter and norther part of this headland,
a league from the shoare, are these : at the easterside, thir-
tie, twentie-seven, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-five,
twentie. The north-east point, 17 degrees, 18 minutes, and
so deeper. The north end of this headland, hard by the
shoare, thirtie fathomes : and three leagues off north north-
west, one hundred fathomes. At the south-east part a
league off, fifteene, sixteene, and seventeene fathomes. The
people have greene tabacco and pipes, the boles whereof are
made of earth and the pipes of red copper. The land is
very sweet.

T\iejift, all mystie. At eight of the clocke in the morn-
ing wee tact about to the westward, and stood in till foure
of the clocke in the after-noone ; at which time it cleered,
and wee had sight of the head-land againe five leagues from
us. The souther point of it did beare west off us : and we
sounded many times, and had no ground. And at foure of
the clocke we cast about, and at our staying wee had seven-
tie fathomes. Wee steered away south and south by east
all night, and could get no ground at seventie and eightie
fathomes. For wee feared a great riffe that lyeth off the
land, and steered away south and by east.

The sixth, faire weather, but many times mysting. Wee
steered away south south-east, till eight of the clocke in the
morning ; then it cleered a little, and we cast about to the
westward. Theji we sounded and had thirtie fathomes, grosse
sand, and were come to the riffe. Then wee kept our lead,
and had quicke shoalding from thirtie, twentie-nine, twentie-
seven, twentie-foure, twentie-two, twentie and an halfe,
1 At the south side of Stage Harbour, Massachusetts.

This flnn-
pei-ous rifle
is in 41

(36 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

twentie, twentie, nincteene, ninetccne, nineteene, ei^htceiie,
cighteene, seventeene ; and so deeping againe as proportion-
ally as it shoalded. For we steered south and south-east till
we came to twentic-sixe fathomes. Then we steered south-
west, for so the tyde doth set. By and by, it being calme, we
tryed by our lead; for you shall have sixteene or seventeene
fathomes, and the next cast but seven or six fathomes. And
farther to the westward you shall have foure and five foot
water, and see rockes under you, and you shall see the land
in the top. Upon this riffe we had an observation, and found
Jfe"^*^, 10 that it lyeth in 40 degrees, 10 minutes. And this is that
aiid lyetii off headland which Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discovered

east from

Cape Cod jn the yeere 1602, and called Cape Cod,^ because of the store

into the sea. •' '■

of cod-fish that hee found thereabout. So we steered south-
west, three leagues, and had twentie and twentie-foure
fathomes. Then we steered west two glasses, halfe a league,
and came to fifteene fathomes. Then we steered off south-
east foure glasses, but could not get deepe water ; for there
the tyde of ebbc laid us on ; and the streame did hurle so,
that it laid us so neere the breach of a shoald that wee were
forced to anchor. So at seven of the clocke at night wee

^ The real locality here described is probably some rifF near Cape
Malabar, for Cape Cod is under 42° 4', 130 miles farther north than the
point mistaken for it by Hudson. Gosnold's explorations were but
vaguely known to him, and this accounts for his mistake. Purchas, who
edited Juet's journal sixteen years after it was written, had a better,
though not an exact knowledge of the real situation of Cape Cod, which
had frequently been visited in the meantime. Struck by Hudson's
mistake, he makes, in his side note, the conjecture that the 40° 10' of
the journal was originally meant for 41° 10'. This supposition, which
would shake our faith in all the latitudes recorded in that same paper,
is fortunately not borne out by the preceding part of tlie A'oyage. Hud-
son was, on the 4th of August, under 41° 45' ; he sailed south and south
by east the whole night of the r)th, and part of the Gth, and it is there-
fore impossible that he should have been only 5' (about six and a quarter
miles) farther south on the 6th than on the 4th, Besides, 41° 10' is still
nearly a degree to the south of Cape Cod. We ought to thank Purchas
for not having introduced his conjecture into the text.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 67

were at an anchor in tenne fathomes : and I give God most
heartie thankes, the least Avater wee had was seven fathomes
and an halfe. We rode still all night, and at a still water
I sounded so farre round about our ship as we could see
a light ; and had no lesse then eight, nine, ten, and eleven
fathomes : the myst continued being very thicke.

The seventli, faire weather and hot, but mystie. Wee
rode still hoping it would cleere, but on the floud it fell
calme and thicke. So we rode still all day and all night.
The floud commeth from the south-west, and riseth not
above one fathome and an halfe in nepe streames. Toward
night it cleered, and I went with our shallop and sounded,
and found no lesse water then eight fathomes to the south-
east off us; but we saw to the north-west off us great breaches.

The eight, faire and cleere weather. In the morning, by
sixe of the clocke, at slake water, wee weighed, the wind at
north-east, and set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and
got a mile over the flats. ^ Then the tyde of ebbe came, so The flats.
we anchored againe till the floud came. Then we set sayle
againe, and by the great mercie of God wee got cleere off
them by one of the clocke this afternoone. And wee had
sight of the land from the west north-west to the north north-
west. So we steered away south south-east all night, and
had ground untill the middle of the third watch. Then we
had fortie-five fathomes, white sand and little stones. So
all our soundings are twentie, twentie, twentie-two, twentie-
seven, thirtie-two, fortie-three, fortie-three, fortie-five. Then
no ground in seventie fathomes.

The ninth, very faire and hot weather, the Avind a very
stifle gale. In the morning, at foure of the clocke, our
shallop came running up against our sterne, and split in all
her stemme ; so we were faine to cut her away. Then wee

^ There are so many sandbanks in these parts, that it is impossible to
guess, from Hudson's rather vague observations, what sandbank he
means.

68 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

tooke in our mayne-sayle, and lay atric under our fbre-sayle
untill twelve of the clocke at mid-day. Then the wind
eased to a faire gale, so wee stood away south-west. Then
we lay close by, on many courses a south by west way fif-
teene leagues ; and three watches south-east by east, ten
leagues. At eight of the clocke at night wee tooke in our
top-sayles, and went with a low sayle, because we were in
an unknowne sea. At noone we observed, and found our
heigth to be 38 degrees, 39 minutes.

The tenth, in the morning, some raine and cloudie wea-
ther : the winde at south-west, wee made our way south-east
by east, ten leagues. At noone wee observed, and found
our heigth to bee 38 degrees, 39 minutes. Then wee tackt
about to the westward, the wind being at south and by east,
little wind. At foure of the clocke it fell calme, and we had
two dolphines about our ship, and many small fishes. At
eight of the clocke at night wee had a small lingring gale.
All night we had a great sea out of the south-west, and
another great sea out of the north-east.

The eleventh, all the fore part of the day faire weather,

and very hot. We stood to the west south-west till noone.

• Then the wind shorted, and we could lye but south-west

and by south. At noone wee found our heigth to bee 39

A current degrees, 11 minutes, and that the current had laid us to the

setting to " ' '

theuorth. northward thirtie-two minutes contrary to our expectation.
At foure of the clocke in the after-noone there came a myst,
which endured two houres, but wee had it faire and clccre

oue'l'ioinf. all night after. The compasse varied the north point to the
west one whole point.

The tivelfth, faire weather, the wind variable betweene
the south-west and by south and the north : little wind. In
the morning we killed an extraordinary fish, and stood to
the westward all day and all night. At noone we found our
heigth to be 38 degrees, 13 minutes. And the observation the

^Mi'"'i't"g *^^y before was not good. This noone, we found the com-
passe to vary from the north to the west ton degrees.

THIKD VOYAGE (1G09). G9

The thirteenth, faire weather and hot, the wind at north-
east. Wee steered away west, and by our compasse two
and twentie leagues. At noone Avec found our height to bee
37 degrees, 45 minutes, and that our way from noone to
noone was west south-west, halfe a point southerly. The
compasse was T degrees and a halfe variation from the north
point to the west.

lL\\e fourteenth, faire weather, but cloudie and a stifFe gale
of wind, variable betweene north-east and south-west ; wee
steered away west by south, a point south, all day untill
nine of the clocke at night ; then it began to thunder and
lighten, whereupon we tooke in all our sayles and layd it a
hull, and hulled away north till mid-night, a league and a
halfe.

The fifteenth, very faire and hot weather, the winde at
north by east. At foure of the clocke in the morning we
set sayle, and stood on our course to the westward. At
noone wee found our height to bee 37 degrees, 25 minutes. 37 degrees,

iio minutes.

The after-noone proved little wind. At eight of the clocke
at night the winde came to the north, and wee steered west
by north and west north-west, and made our way west. The
compasse varyed 7 degrees from the north to the west.

The sixteenth, faire shining weather and very hot, the
"wind variable betweene the north and the west ; wee steered
away west by north. At noone wee found our height to bee
37 degrees, 6 minutes. This morning we sounded and had ar degrees,

, . . . ^ 1 , . . , . . •; minutes.

ground m ninetie latnomes, and in sixe glasses running it
shoalded to fiftie fathoms, and so to eight and twentie
fathoms, at foure of the clocke in the after-noone. Then wee
came to an anchor, and rode till eight of the clocke at night,
the wind being at south and moone-light; we resolved to
goe to the northward to finde deeper water. So we weighed
and stood to the northward, and found the water to shoald
and deepe from eight and twentie to twentie fathomes.
The seventeenth, faire and cleere sun-shining weather, the

70 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

winde at south by west ; wee steered to the northward till
foure of the clocke in the morning ; then wee came to cigh-
teene fathomes. So we anchored untill the sunne arose, to
looke abroad for land, for wee judged there could not but bo
land neere vis, but we could see none. Then we weighed,
and stood to the westward till noone. And at eleven of the
A low land docke wcc had sight of a low land, with a white sandie

with awiiitc <-> '

shoare. shoarc. By twelve of the clocke we were come into live
fathomes, and anchored ; and the land was foure leagues
from us, and wee had sight of it from the west to the north-

37 degrees, wcst bv north. Our height was 37 dearrees, 26 minutes.

2(J miuutes. *' ° n '

Then the wind blew so stifFe a gale, and such a sea Ment,
that we could not weigh; so we rode there all night an hard
rode (sic).

The eighteenth, in the morning, faire weather, and little
winde at north north-east and north-east. At foure of the
clocke in the morning we weighed, and stood into the shoare
to see the deeping or shoalding of it, and finding it too
deepe we stood in to get a rode : for wee saw, as it were,
three Hands. So wee turned to windward to get into a bay,
as it shewed to us to the westward of an iland. For the
three Hands did beare north oiF us. But toward noone the
wind blew northerly, with gusts of wind and rayne. So we
stood off into the sea againe all night ; and running off we
found a channell, wherein we had no lesse then eight, nine,
ten, eleven, and twelve fathomes water. For in comming
over the barre wee had five and foure fathomes and a halfe,
Barreof ^ud it lyctli fivc Icagucs from the shoare, and it is the barre

virgiuia. JO '

of Virginia. At the north end of it, it is ten leagues broad,
and south and north, but deepe water from uintie fathomes
to five and foure and a halfe. The land lyeth south and
javor north. This is the entrance into the King's River in \'\v-
ginia, where our English-men are.^ The north side of it

' The early settlement alluded to, the romantic history of which every
schoolboy knows, was more than thirty miles farther south than the

THIRD VOYAGE (1G09). 71

lyetli in 37 degrees, 2(5 minutes : you shall know when
30U come to shoakl water or sounding, for the water will
looke greene or thicke, you shall have ninctie and eightic
fathomes, and shoalding a pace till you come to ten, eleven,
nine, eight, seven, ten, and nine fathomes, and so to five,
and foure fathomes and a halfe.

The nineteenth, faire weather, but an hard gale of winde
at the north-east ; wee stood off till noone, and made our
way south-east by east, two and twentie leagues. At noone
wee cast about to the westward, and stood till sixc of^°'®'
the clocke in the after-noone, and went five leagues and a
halfe north-west by north. Then wee cast about againc to
the eastward, and stood that way till foure the next morning.

The twentieth, faire and cleere weather, the winde varia-
ble betweene east north-east and north-east. At foure of
the clocke in the morning wee cast about to the westward,
and stood till noone ; at which time I sounded, and had two
and thirtie fathomes. Then we tackt to the eastward againe ;
wee found our height to bee 37 degrees, 22 minutes. We almhuuea
stood to the eastward all night, and had very much wind.
At eight of the clocke at night we tooke off our bonnets,
and stood with small sayle.

The one and twentieth, was a sore storme of winde and
rayne all day and all night, wherefore wee stood to the east-
ward with a small sayle, till one of the clocke in the after-
noone. Then a great sea brake into our fore-corse and split
it ; so we were forced to take it from the yard and mend it :

locality here alluded to by Hudson. Our navigator was but imper-
fectly acquainted with its whereabouts, and this explains his failing
to visit his friend John Smith, though the opportunity was so tempt-
ing. If the latitudes in the journal are correct, the description here
given applies to the coast of Northampton (Virginia) under 37° 26'.
The three islands are a group to the north-east of Prout Island, and
between them and Prout Island there is a sort of strait, which may be
mistaken for the entrance of a river. The journal shows plainly that
Hudson never attempted to explore the supposed river, and thus had no
opportunity for finding out his mistake.

72 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

wee lay a trie with our niayne-corse all night. This night
our cat ranne crying from one side of the ship to the other,
looking over-boord, which made us to wonder ; but we saw
nothing.

The two and twentieth, stormy weather, with gusts of
rayne and wind. In the morning, at eight of the clocke,
we set our fore- corse, and stood to the eastward under our
fore-sayle, mayne-sayle and misen; and from noone to noone,
we made our way east south-east, fourteene leagues. The
night reasonable drie but cloudie, the winde variable all day
and night. Our compasse was varyed 4 degrees westward.

The three and twentieth, very faire weather, but some
thunder in the morning, the winde variable betweene east
by north. At noone wee tackt about to the northward, the
winde at east by north. The after-noone very faire, the
wind variable, and continued so all night. Our way we
made east south-east, till noone the next day.

Theybt^re and twentieth, faire and hot weather, Avith the
wind variable betweene the north and the east. The after-
noone variable winde. But at foure of the clocke, the ■wind
came to the east and south-east ; so wee steered away north
by west, and in three watches wee went thirteene leagues.
At noone our height was 35 degrees, 41^ minutes, being
farre off at sea from the land.

The jive and twentieth, faire weather and very hot. All
the morning was very calme untill eleven of the clocke ; the
wind came to south-east and south south-east; so wee steered
away north-west by north two watches and a halfe, and one
watch north-west by west, and went eightecne leagues. At
noone I found our height to bee 36 degrees, 20 minutes,
being without sight of land.

The sixe and tioentieth, faire and hot weather, the winde
variable upon all the points of the compasse. From two of
the clocke in the morning untill noone wee made our way
' Off Nag's Head, South Carolina.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 73

north by cast, seven leagues. In the after-noone tlie wind

came to the north-east, and vering to the east south-cast ;

wee steered away north-west fiftccnc leagues, from noone till

ten of the clocke at night. At eight of the clocke at night

wee sounded, and had eighteene fathomes, and were come

to the banke of Virginia, and could not see the land. ^Vec ^f viry"^ia.

kept sounding and steered away north, and came to eight

fathomes and anchored there ; for the wind was at east

south-east, so that wee could not get off. For the coast lyeth lyetu south

south-west,

along south south-west and north north-east. At noone our and north

north-east.

height was 37 desrrees, 15 minutes. And m'cc found that ?;"^j'"''^

O o -J 37 degrees,

we were returned to the same place from whence we -^vere ^''' ™""^''^'
put off at our first seeing land.^

The seve7i and iicentieiJi, faire weather and very hot, the
winde at east south-east. In the morning, as soonc as the
sunne was up, wee looked out and had sight of the land.
Then wee weighed, and stood in north-west two glasses, and
found the land to bee the place from whence wee put off
first. So wee kept our loofe and steered along the land,
and had the banke lye all along the shoare ; and wee had in Jg,-ecth

1 /-fii I' ' • ^ • T with Robert

two leagues oil the shoare, nve, sixe, seven, eight, nine, and Tjndaii.
ten fathomes. The coast lyeth south south-west, and is a
white sandie shoare, and sheweth full of bayes and points.
The streame setteth west south-west and east north-east. At
sixe of the clocke at night wee were thwart of an harbour
or river, but we saw a barre lye before it ; and all within
the land to the northward, the water ranne with many ilands
in it. At sixe of the clocke we anchored, and sent our boate
to sound to the shore-ward, and found no lesse then foure
and a halfe, five, sixe, and seven fathomes.

The eight and tioentietli, faire and hot weather, the winde

^ Hudson, on his return from the south, sailed along the mainland of
Virginia, and thus entered Chesapeake Bay. It is not quite clear how
far he explored it. The latitude 37° 15' seems to be a mistake. He
probably means 37^ 10' : that is to say, Charles' Cape, which he called

Dry Cape, according to De Laet.

10 *

74 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

at south south-west. In the morninfr, at sixe of the clocke, wee

weighed, and steered away north twelve leagues till noone,

Thepnhit and came to the point of land ;^ and being hard by the land

of laud. -l ' r> J

in five fathomes, on a sudden wee came into three fathomes ;
then Ave bearc up and had but ten foote water, and joined to
the point. Then as soone as wee were over, wee had five,
sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve and thirtecne fathomes.
Then wee found the land to trend away north-west, with a
Apreatbay trreat bay and rivers. But the bay wee found shoald: and

and rivers. <=> •/ J

in the offing wee had ten fathomes, and had sight of breaches
and drie sand. Then wee were forced to stand backe againe ;
so we stood backe south-east by south, three leagues. And
at seven of the clocke wee anchored in eight fathomes water ;
and found a tide set to the north-west, and north north-west,
and it riseth one fathome and floweth south south-east. And
he that will thoroughly discover this great bay, must have

^laiTop^ ^ small pinasse, that must draw but foure or five foote
water, to sound before him. At five in the morning wee
weighed, and steered away to the eastward on many courses.

The nortiier for tlic nortlicr land is full of shoalds. Wee were among

liiud is lull ^

ofshoiiius. them, and once wee strooke ; and wee went away, and
steered away to the south-east. So wee had two, three,
foure, five, sixe, and seven fathomes, and so deeper and
deeper.

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, with some thunder
and showers, the winde shifting betweene the south south-
west and the north north-west. In the morning wee weighed
at the breakc of day, and stood toward the norther land,

Many wliicli wc fouud to bcc all ilands to our sight, and great

ilaiids.

^ Juct's account of the explorations marie on the 26th, 27th, and 2Sth,
is very far from clear. But by making De Laet (see p. 1 56) bear upon
it, we see that the Half Moon explored during those days the neighbour-
hood and the mouth of Delaware River. The bay described on the present
page is Delaware Bay. Later historians, chiefly Van der Donck, have
asserted that Hudson took possession of the surrounding country. This
seems, however, a pure invention.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 75

stormes from them, and are shoald three leagues off. For

we comming by them had but seven, sixe, five, foure, three,

and two fathoms and a halfe, and strooke ground with our They strike.

rudder ; we steered off south-west one glasse, and had five

fathoms. Then wee steered south-east three ghasses ; then

we found seven fathomes, and steered north- cast by east

foure leagues, and came to twelve and thu-teene fathoms.

At one of the clocke I went to the top-mast head and set the

land, and the bodie of the Hands did beare north-west by

north. And at foure of the clocke, wee had gone foure

leagues east south-east, and north-east by east, and found

but seven fathoms ; and it was calme, so we anchored. Then

I went againe to the top-mast head, to see how farre I could

see land about us, and could see no more but the ilands.

And the souther point of them did beare north-west by

west eight leagues off. So wee rode till mid-night. Then

the winde came to the north north-west, so wee waighed and

set sayle.

The thirtieth, in the morning, betweene twelve and one,
we weighed, and stood to the eastward, the winde at north
north-west -, wee steered away and made our way east south-
east. From our weighing till noone, eleven leagues. Our
soundings were eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve and thirteene
fathomes till day. Then we came to eighteene, nineteene,
twentie, and sixe and twentie fathoms by noone. Then I
observed the sunne, and found the height to bee 39 degrees. Latitude

' ° ° ^ ' 30 degrees,

5 minutes,^ and saw no land. In the after-noone, the winde ^i^ii'iutes.
came to north by west ; so wee lay close by with our fore-
sayle and our mayne-sayle, and it Avas little winde untill
twelve of the clocke at mid-night ; then wee had a gale a
little while. Then I sounded, and all the night our sound-
ings were thirtie and sixe and thirtie fathomes, and wee
went little.

The one and thirtieth, faire weather and little wind. At
^ Off Hereford Inlet.

lUUlUlt

76 MASTEll HENRY HUDSON.

sixe of the clocke in the morning wc cast about to the north-
ward, the wind being at the north-east, little wind. At

i.atituiie noone it fell calme, and I found the heisrht to bee 88 de-

DeJ^euiiu?' gi'cos, 39 minutcs. And the streames had deceived us,' and
our sounding was eight and thirtie fathoms. In the after-
noone I sounded againe, and had but thirtie fathoms. So
we found that we were heaved too and fro with the streames
of the tide, both by our observations and our depths. From
noone till foure of the clocke in the afternoone it was calme.
At sixe of the clocke we had a little gale southerly, and it
continued all night, sometimes calme and sometimes a gale ;
wee went eight leagues from noone to noone, north by east.

soiiemLei-. The Jiist of September, faire weather, the wind variable
betweene east and south ; we steered away north north-

Luiimie west. At noone we found our height to bee 39 degrees, 3
minutes.^ Wee had soundings thirtie, twentie-seven, twen-
tie-foure, and twentie-two fathomes, as wee went to the
northward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie
fathomes. And all the third watch, till twelve of the clocke
at mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and
twentie, eighteene, two and twentie, one and twentie, eigh-
tecne, and two and twentie fathoms, and went sixe leagues
necre hand north north-west.

The second, in the morning, close weather, the winde at
south in the morning ; from twelve untill two of the clocke
we steered north north-west, and had sounding one and
twentie fathoms ; and in running one glasse we had but six-
teene fathoms, then seventeene, and so shoalder and shoalder
untill it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great fire, but
could not see the land ; then we came to ten fathoms, whcre-

^ Twenty-six minutes farther south than according to his hist observa-
tion. Un.acquainted with the nature of the pohir current along these
coasts, Hudson had been unconsciously drifted back. "The streams had
deceived him," as Juet says.

'■^ Still two minutes farther south than they had been on the 31st of
August. The polar currents made them lose two entire days.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 77

upon we brought our tackcs aboorcl, and stood to the cast-
ward east south-east, foure glasses. Then the sunne arose,
and Avee steered away north againe, and saw the hmd from
the west by north to the north-west by north, all like broken ^i'.'' i';^.",'^',,,^
islands,^ and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms.""'*'
Then wee looft in for the shoare, and fliire by the shoare
we had seven fathoms. The course alonor the laud we found The course

" aloiitr tlie

to be north-east by north. From the land which we had [hemouth
first sight of, untill we came to a great lake of water, as wee "oUKfrnoiuii
could judge it to bee, being drowned land, which made it to noniierbay

or lake.

rise like islands, which was in length ten leagues. The
mouth of that land hath many shoalds, and the sea breaketh
on them as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that
lake or bay the land lyeth north by east, and wee had a
great streame out of the bay ; and from thence our sounding
was ten fathoms two leagues from the land. At five of the
clocke we anchored, being little winde, and rode in eight
fathoms water ; the night was faire. This night I found the
land to hall the compasse 8 dearrees. For to the northward variation

'■ <-> 8 degrees

ofi" us we saw high hils.^ For the day before we found not j^fj^^® "^®
above 2 desrrees of variation. This is a very ijood land to ~ '^^sjeea

~ JO vanatmu off

fall with, and a pleasant land to see. ''^^^''^

^ Sandy Ilook, the well known island at the mouth of the Hudson.
The following extracts from modern works on American geography will
show how minutely this locality was explored by its discoverer, and how
well it is described in the Journal : " Sandy Hook Bay is a sandy beach,
extending north from Old Shrewsbury Inlet (New Jersey) and the south
point of the highlands of Nevesinck, six miles, and is from half a mile
to a mile wide." — Thomson's Geogr. Diet. " Sandy Hook Eay runs south
into the town of Middleton, and is bounded to the south-west by the
highlands of Nevesinck, and on the east by the sand beach forming Sandy
Hook. Drained by Swimming and Nevisinck rivers." — U. S. Gazetteer,
" In approaching Sandy Hook, Harbour Hill, on Long Island, and Nevi-
sinck, on the Jersey shore, may be seen at the distance of about twenty-
four to twenty-five miles. The first is 319, the second 281 feet above
the water." — Mitchill, Geology ; and Akerley, Geology of Ihuhon River:
quoted by Moulton, Hist, of the State of ^ew York, i, p. 209.

^ See last note.

78 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The third, the morning mystic, untill ten of the clocke ;

then it clecrecl, and the wind came to the south south-east,

so wee weighed and stood to the northward. The Lmd' is

ui^'haiuia vcrv lilcasant and hiyh, and bokl to fall withall. At tlu'ec

bold shoai-o. "^ •■■ °

Tiiice gieut ^^f ^\^q clock in thc after-noone, wee came to three great

rivers. o

The rivers.'^ So we stood along: to the northermost, thinkinsc to

norther- ° ' o

barred. havc gouc into it, but we found it to have a very shoald

barrc before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then we

An pxooi- gj^st about to tlic southward, and found two fathoms, three

luiU river.

fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the souther
side "of them; then we had five and sixe fathoms, and
anchored. So wee sent in our boate to sound, and they
found no lesse water then foure, five, sixe, and seven fathoms,
and returned in an houre and a halfe. So wee weighed and
went in, and rode in five fathoms, oze ground, and saw
Liiuiuao manv salmons, and mullets, and raves, very srreat. The

40 degrees, ^ ' ' J ' J b

30 minutes, height is 40 degrees, 30 minutes.

liYie fourth, in the morning, as soonc as the day was light,

wee saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our

A very good boatc to souud, and found that it was a very good harbour, and

harbour. *■

foure and five fathomes, two cables length from the shoare.
Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our
boate went on land^ Avith our net to fish, and caught ten great
mullets, of a foote and a halfe long a pecce, and a ray as

^ The south coast of Staten Island.

^ It is impossible to make the observations of the 3rd fully agree with
the real localities. Wheresoever we place the three rivers, some diffi-
culties arise which cannot be explained away. Mr. Brodhead's opinion,
"that two of the three rivers are unJoubtecU^ the Rariton and Narrows,
the third i>rohahhj Rockaway Inlet," we can subscribe in neither of its
parts. It is not even certain whether the place where Iludsou anchored
under 40° 30', is to the east or west of Staten Island.

' According to a generally received American tradition, Coney Island
(near Long Island). This is quite possible. Only it seems singular that
the insulated nature of this small spot should have been cither over-
looked, or if perceived, not noted down as such, iu our circumstantial
account.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 79

great as foure men could hale into the ship. So wee trimmed
our boate and rode still all day. At night the wind blew
hard at the north-west, and our anchor came home, and wee
drove on shoare, but tooke no hurt, thanked bee God, for
the ground is soft sand and oze. This day the people of ^i"^ iHopie
the countrey came aboord of us, seeming very srlad of our ":"y <■''"'«
comraing, and brought greene tobacco, and gave us of it c'viiT^
for knives and beads. They goe in deere skins loose, well
dressed. They have yellow copper. They desire cloathes, ^f]"^^^.
and are very civill. They have great store of maize or In-
dian wheate, whereof they make good bread. The countrey
is full of great and tall oakes. Tail oakes.

TX-ie Jifth, in the morning, as soone as the day was light,
the wind ceased and the flood came. So we heaved off our
ship againe into five fathoms water, and sent our boate to ^iie great

^ ° ' bay in 40

sound the bay, and we found that there was three fathoms ao^anutT''

hard by the souther shoare. Our men went on land^ there,

and saw great store of men, women, and children, who gave

them tabacco at their comming on land. So they went up

into the woods, and saw great store of very goodly oakes

and some currants. For one of them came aboord and ^u'lTOnts.

brought some dryed, and gave me some, which were sweet

and good. This day many of the people came aboard, some

in mantles of feathers, and some in skinnes of divers sorts of ^r^i't'os of

' feathers,

good furres. Some women also came to us with hempe. '''"'S' hempe.

They had red copper tabacco pipes, and other things of ^^a copper.

copper they did weare about their neckes. At night they

went on land againe, so wee rode very quiet, but durst not

trust them.

The sixth, in the morning, was faire weather, and our

master sent John Colman, with foure other men in our boate,

^ According to the American historians, " in Monmouth County, New-
Jersey," that is to say, either on the mainland or New Jersey, or some-
where near Richmond, on Staten Island. We should not even presume
on this vague assertion. There is no evidence to show that the landing
place was not still further east, on or near Long Island.

80 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

over to tlic north-side to sound the other river/ being fourc
leagues from us. They found by the way shoakl water, two
fathoms; but at the north of the river eighteen, and twen-
tie fathoms, and very good riding for ships ; and a narrow
river" to the westward, betweene two ilands. The lands,
they told us, were as pleasant with grasse and flowers and
goodly trees as ever they had seene, and very sweet smells
came from them. So they went in two leagues and saw an
open sea, and returned ; and as they came backe, they were
set upon by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other
fourteene men. The night came on, and it began to rayne,
so that their match went out ; and they had one man slaine
in the fight, which was an Englishman, named John Colman,
with an arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It
grew so darke that they could not find the ship that night,
but labored too and fro on their oares. They had so great
a streame, that their grapnell would not hold them.

The seventh, was faire, and by ten of the clocke they re-
turned aboord the ship, and brought our dead man with
them, whom we carried on land and buryed, and named
the point after his name, Colmans Point.^ Then we hoysed
in our boate, and raised her side with waste boords for de-
fence of our men. So we rode still all night, having good
regard to our watch.

^ The Narrows %

- The hills between Staten Island and Bergen Neck. JNIoulton, Hist.
oj New York, i, p. 211.

^ According to the Dutch maps and charts of the seventeenth cen-
tury, Colman's Point (also called Godyn's Point and Sand or Sant Point),
is identical with, or forms part of, Sandy Hook. No great amount of
criticism is, however, displayed in those delineations ; and they cannot
be considered as sufficient proofs that Colman really was buried on
Sandy Hook. We have, on the contrary, every reason to believe that
Hudson was, on the 7th of September, farther north than the above sup-
positions would lead us to assume. Hudson's Colman s Point and the
Cuhiuins Point or Punt of the early maps, arc therefore probably not
identical.

resicljer-
0U3 savagi.

THIRD VOYAGE (l()09j. 81

The eight, was very faire weather, wee rode still very
quietly. The people came aboord us, and brought tabacco
and Indian wheat to exchange for knives and bcades, and
offered us no violence. So we fitting up our boate did marke
them, to see if they would make any shew of the death of
our man ; which they did not.

The ninth, faii'e weather. In the morning, two great
canoes came aboord full of men ; the one with their bowes
and arrowes, and the other in shew of buvina: of knives to '^
betray us ; but we perceived their intent. Wee tooke two
of them to have kept them, and put red coates on them, and
would not suffer the other to come neere us. So they went
on land, and two other came aboord in a canoe ; we tooke
the one and let the other goe; but hee which wee had taken,
got up and leapt over-boord. Then we weighed and went
off into the channell of the river, and anchored there all
night.

The tenth, faire weather, we rode still till twelve of the
clocke. Then we weighed and went over, and found it
shoald all the middle of the river, for wee could finde
but two fathoms and a halfe and three fathomes for the
space of a league ; then wee came to three fathomes and
foure fathomes, and so to seven fathomes, and anchored,
and rode all night in soft ozie ground. The banke is •
sand.^

The eleventh was faire and very hot weather. At one of
the clocke in the after-noone wee weighed and went into
the river, the wind at south south-west, little winde.
Our soundings were seven, sixe, five, sixe, seven, eight,
nine, ten, twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathomes. Then
it shoalded againe, and came to five fathomes. Then wee
anchored, and saw that it was a very good harbour for all ^'"?'^

' JO harbour.

windes, and rode all night. The people of the country

came aboord of us, making shew of love, and gave us teibacco

^ East Sandbank, in the Narrows. Moulton, i, p. 211.

82 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

and Indian wheat,* and departed for that night ; but we
durst not trust thcni.-

The twelfth, vcrj- faire and hot. In the after-noonc, at

two of the clocke, wee weighed, the winde being variable

bctweene the north and the north-west. So we turned into

the river two leagues and anchored. This morning, at our

28 cauoes first rodo in the river, there came eight and twentie canoes

full uf men. _ °

full of men, women and children to betray us : but we saw
their intent, and suffered none of them to come aboord of us.
At twelve of the clocke they departed. They brought with
Oysters and thcm ovstcrs and beanes, whereof wee bought some. They
ropper have great tabacco pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth
to dresse their nieate in. It floweth south-east by south
within.

The tliirteentli, faire weather, the wind northerly. At
seven of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came we
weighed, and turned foure miles into the river. The tide
being done wee anchored. Then there came foure canoes
aboord : but we suffered none of them to come into our
ship. They brought great store of very good oysters aboord,
which we bought for trifles.^ In the night I set the varia-
vaiiation tiou of the compassc, and found it to be 13 degrees. In the

13 degrees. "■ , _ , ^

after noone we weighed, and turned in with the floud, two

. leagues and a halfe further, and anchored all night; and had

five fathoms soft ozie ground; and had an high point of land,

^ According to Van der Donck maize had been first brought to these
regions by the Spaniards.

^ So says Juet. Hudson himself, in the few scraps of his original log-
book preserved by De Laet, and also in the communications which Van
Metercn seems to have received from him, always speaks most kindly of
the North American Indians. He and his crew entirely disagreed with
regard to the treatment due to the poor natives ; and his kindness was
rewarded by friendship, their sullen mistrust by acts of hostility. The
poor Indian has but too often been thus both ill-treated and ill-judged by
prejudiced Euroiteans.

^ According to the opinion of Moulton, Hist, of N. Y., i, p. 238, near
the point where Manhattansville now stands.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 83

which shewed out to us, beai-ing north by cast five leagues
off us.

'Yh.e fourteenth, in the morning, being very faire weather,
the wind south-east, we sayled up the river twelve leagues,
and had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter lesse ;
and came to a streight betweene two points,^ and had eight,
nine, and ten fathoms ; and it trended north-east by north,
one league : and wee had twelve, tliirteene, and fourteene
fathomes. The river is a mile broad: there is very high '''I'f V^®"""

•' O mile bruau.

land on both sides. ^ Then we went uj) north-west, a league
and an halfe deepe water. Then north-east by north, five
miles ; then north-west by north, two leagues, and anchored.
The land grew verv high and mountainous. The river is very hsah.
full offish. t«'"°"s

land.

The JifteetitJi , in the morning, was misty, untill the sunne
arose : then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at
south, and ran up into the river twentie leagues, passing by
high mountaines.^ Wee had a very good depth, as sixe,
seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteene fathomes, and
great store of salmons in the river. This morning our two
savages got out of a port and swam away. After wee were
under sayle, they called to us in scorne. At night we came
to other mountaines, which lie from the rivers side. There
wee found very loving people, and very old men: where very loving

people.

wee were well used. Our boat went to fish, and caught
great store of very good fish.

The sixteenth, faire and very hot weather. In the moru-

^ Between Stony and Verplanck points, according to Moulton's com-
putation {Hist of N. Y. i, p. 238).

^ Near Peakskill. The land, as described by Juet, is high and moun-
tainous on both sides. The hills rise in several places to more than a
thousand feet, and the most elevated side is often near the water's
edge. Hudson seems to have sailed on the 14th to the neighbourhood
of West Point, at present the site of the celebrated military academy.

^ Hudson now saw the highest of the mountains that border the river,
the noble range of the Kaatshenge or Catskill Mountains, several peaks
of which rise above 3000', the highest (the Round Top) to near 4000'.

84 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

ing our boat went againc to fishing, but could catch but few,
by reason their canoes had beenc there all night. This
morning the people came aboord, and brought us cares
^imi'L'Hnu °^ Indian come, and pompions, and tabacco : which wee
tabacio. -bought fo^. triflcs. Wcc rodc still all day, and filled fresh
water ; at night wee weighed and went two leagues higher,
and had shoald water : so wee anchored till day.^

The secenteenth, faire sun-shining weather, and very hot.
In the morning, as soone as the sun was up, we set sayle,
shonids and qj^j y-^xi up sixc Icagucs higher, and found shoalds in the
iiands. middle of the channell, and small Hands, but seven fathoms
water on both sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere
the shoare, that we grounded : so we layed out our small
anchor, and heaved off againe. Then we borrowed on the
banke in the channell, and came aground againe ; while the
floud ran we heaved off againe, and anchored all night. ^

The eighteenth, in the morning, was faire weather, and
we rode still. In the after-noone our masters mate went on
land with an old savage, a governor of the countrey ; M'ho car-
ried him to his house, and made him good cheere. 'Y\ienific-
teenth was faire and hot weather : at the floud, being neere
Orarc^ani clcvcn of the clocke, Avee weisfhed, and ran hioher up two

pumi.i us. ' O ' O r

Beavers and Icagucs abovc tlic slioalds, and had no lesse water then five

oilers skius.

fathoms ; Avee anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The

^ According to Moulton, Hist, of N. Y., i, 244, near the shoal or marsh
iu the river, between Athens, and directly opposite that and the city
that now bears the name of Hudson ; according to Brodhead, between
Schadak and Castleton ; a place situated, according to Haskell and
Smith's Gazetteer, in Rensselaer county, New York, 8 S. bj' E. Albany,
3G2 W., on the eastern bank of Hudson river. These American histo-
rians are, better than we, able to compare Juet's account with the real
features of the country, and it is impossible for us to decide between
them where they disagree.

" All this happened undoubtedly at the distance of a few miles from
the spot where Albany now stands. The American authors disagree as
to the exact locality, and the mutter is both beyond our cognizance and
(if but small interest to us Europeans.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 85

people of the countrie came flocking aboord, and brought
US grapes and ponipions, which wee bought for trifles.
And many brought us bevers skinnes and otters skinnes,
which wee bought for bcades, knives, and hatchets. So we
rode there all night. ^

• The ticentieth, in the morning, was faire weather. Our
masters mate with foure men more went up with our boat to
sound the river, and found two leagues above us but two
fathomes water, and the channell very narrow ; and above
that place, seven or eight fathomes. Toward night they re-
turned : and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth
was faire weather, and the wind all southerly : we deter-
mined yet once more to go farther up into the river, to trie
what depth and breadth it did bcare ; but much people
resorted aboord, so wee went not this day. Oar carpenter
went on land, and made a fore-yard. And our master and
his mate determined to trie some of the chiefe men of the
countrey, whether they had any treacheric in them.^ So
they tooke them downe into the cabbin, and gave them so
much wine and aqua mice, that they were all merrie : and
one of them had his wife with them, which sate so modestly,
as any of our countrey women would doe in a strange place.
In the ende one of them was drunke, which had beene

^ It would undoubtedly be of interest to ascertain the exact locality
of this point, the highest reached by Hudson's ships. The American
historians have spared no pains to arrive at a satisfactory result. But
the data on which their discussions rest do not warrant any positive
conclusion. The most exact statement, that of Van Meteren, gives 42° 40'
as the latitude reached ; it forms, however, part of a mere summary,
in which the latitudes are but approximatively exact. For us Euro-
peans it is quite sufficient to know that the Half Moon reached either
the very spot where Albany now stands, or its immediate neighbour-
hood. The latitude of Albany is, according to Haskell and Smith's
Gazetteer, 42° 39' 3" N.

^ "The prejudices," says Moulton, "which they imbibed in Europe,
or on their coasting voyage, against a people whom the Europeans de-
nominated savages, had given a tone of suspicion to their intercourse."
See also note 2, p. 82.

86 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

aboord of our ship all the time that we had bcene there :
and that was strange to them ; for they could not tell how
to take it.^ The canoes and folke went all on shoare : but
some of them came againc, and brought stropes of beades r
some had sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten ; and gave him. So
he slept all night quietly.

The tioo and tioentieth was faire weather : in the morning
our masters mate and foure more of the companie went up
with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of
the countrey came not aboord till noone : but when they
came, and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three
of the clocke in the afternoone they came aboord, and
brought tabacco, and more beades, and gave them to our
Oration. master, and made an oration, and shewed him all the coun-
trey round about. Then they sent one of their companie on
land, who presently returned, and brought a great platter
full of venison dressed by themselves ; and they caused him
to eate with them : then they made him reverence and de-
parted, all save the old man that lay aboord. Tliis night, at
ten of the clocke, our boat returned in a showre of raine
rivei's°*^ '^"^ from sounding of the river ; and found it to bee at an end
nelsl* '^ for shipping to goe in. For they had beene up eight or
nine leagues, and found but seven foot water, and uncon-
stant soundings.^

^ A tradition connected with this scene of drunkenness seems to have
subsisted at the end of the last century among the Delaware and ]Mo-
hican Indians. We reprint as part of the present collection the observa-
tions of the Rev. John Ilerkewelder, where this fact is noted down.

^ These beads were made of some sort of shells, and strung. The
strings served both as a rude sort of jewelry and as money. They were
called wampum. The early travellers in these regions make frequent
mention of them. We refer the reader to the extracts from Van der
Donck's descrijition of New Nethcrland, which forms part of the present
collection.

•' We refer the American reader to the interesting observations on
this passage, in Moulton, i, pp. 25i) to 2()(). To Europeans, who are un-
acquainted with the localities themselves, these observations are of less
interest. Mr. Brodhead thinks that Hudson's boat reached the place

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 87

The three and twentieth, faire weather. At twelve of the
clocke wee weighed, and went downe two leasrucs to a I'lipy re-
shoald that had two channels, one on the one side, and another ''"-' ''^'^'"•
on the other, and had little wind, whereby the tyde layed
us upon it. So there wee sate on ground the space of an
houre till the floud came. Then wee had a little gale of
Avind at the west. So wee got our ship into deepe water,
and rode all night very Avell.

The foure and t^centieth was faire weather : the winde at
the north-west, wee weighed, and went downe the river
seven or eight leagues ; and at halfe ebbe wee came on
ground on a banke of oze in the middle of the river, and
sate there till the floud. Then wee went on land, and ga-
thered ffood store of chest-nuts.^ At ten of the clocke yvce^l°^^°\

" chestuuta.

came oflf into deepe water, and anchored.

The^'ye a7id iioentieth was faire weather, and the wind at
south a stifFe gale. We rode still, and went on land- to
walke on the west side of the river, and found good ground
for come and other earden herbs, with great store of sroodly okes.wai-

O JO n J ,im trees,

oakes, and walnut-trees, and chest-nut trees, ewe trees, and t'e'efg^e'^ve
trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of [reesietc."
slate for houses, and other good stones.

The sixe and tiventieth was faire weather, and the wind
at south a stiife gale ; wee rode still. In the morning our
carpenter went on land, with our masters mate and foure
more of our companie, to cut wood. This morning, two
canoes came up the river from the place where we first
found loving people, and in one of them was the old man
that had lyen aboord of us at the other place. He brought
another old man with him, which brought more stropes of

where the town of Waterford now stands (Brodhead, Hist, of New York,
i,p. 32).

^ According to the computation of Moulton (i, p. 267), near the spot
where the town of Hudson now stands.

^ At or near Catskill Landing, three miles from Hudson, and about
forty from Albany.

8vS MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

bcadcs and gave thorn to our master, and shewed him all the
countrey there about as though it were at his command. So
he made the two old men dine with him, and the old mans
wife : for they brought two old women, and two young
maidens of the age of sixteene or seventecne yeares with
them, who behaved themselves very modestly. Our master
gave one of the old men a knife, and they gave him and us
tabacco. And at one of the clocke they departed downe the
river, making signes that wee should come downe to them ;
for wee were within two leagues of the place where they
dwelt.

The seven and twentieth, in the morning, was faire wea-
ther, but much wind at the north ; we weighed and set our
fore top-sayle, and our ship would not flat, but ran on the
ozie banke at half ebbe. AVee layed out anchor to heave her
off, but could not. So wee sate from halfe ebbe to halfe
floud : then wee set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and
got downe sixe leagues. The old man came aboord, and
would have had us anchor, and goe on land to eate with
him : but the wind being faire, we would not yeeld to his
request ; so hee left us, being very sorrowfull for our de-
parture. At five of the clocke in the afternoone, the wind
came to the south south-west. So wee made a boord or two,
and anchored^ in foureteene fathomes water. Then our boat
went on shoare to fish right against the ship. Our masters
mate and boatswaine, and three more of the companie, went
on land to fish, but could not finde a good place. They
tooke foure or five and twentie mullets, breames, bases, and
barbils ; and returned in an houre. We rode still all
night.

The ciglit and twentieth, being faire weather, as soone as
the day was light, wee Aveighed at halfe ebbe, and turned
downe two leagues belowe water ; for the streamc doth runuc

^ In the vicinity of Red Hook (Moulton, 267), that is to say, fourteen
miles from Catskill Lauding.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 89

the last quarter ebbe : then we anchored till high water. ^ At
three of the clocke in the after-noone we w^eighed, and
turned downe three leagues, untill it was darke : then wee
anchored.

The nine and twentieth was drie close weather ; the wind
at south, and south and by west ; we weighed early in the
morning, and turned downe three leagues by a lowe water,
and anchored at the lower end of the long reach ; for it is
sixe leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a
canoe to us, but would not come aboord. After dinner
there came the canoe with other men, whereoff three came
aboord us. They brought Indian wheat, which we bought
for trifles. At three of the clocke in the after-noone wee
weighed, as soone as the ebbe came, and turned downe to
the edge of the mountaines, or the northerniost of the moun- Moun-

taines.

taines, and anchored : because the high land hath many
points, and a narrow channcll, and hath manie eddie winds.^
So we rode quietly all night in seven fathoms water.

The thirtieth was faire weather, and the wind at south-
east, a stiife gale betweene the mountaynes. We rode still
the afternoone. The people of the countrey came aboord
US and brought some small skinnes with them, which we smaii skins.
bousjht for knives and trifles. This is a very pleasant place -^ r'easant

^ ./ X X place to

to build a towne on. The road is very neere, and very good |'",vne''on.
for all windes, save an east north-east wind. The moun- i-ikeiibood

of niiuerals.

taynes look as if some metall or minerall were in them. For

^ Probably near the Esopus Island, twelve miles from Red Hook.

2 Below Poughkeepsie (Moulton). Beacon Hill, in the neighbourhood
of that place and opposite New Windsor, is 1685 feet high. This part
of Hudson river is noted for its heavy winds. " The banks of Hudson
river, especially on the west side, as far as the highlands extend, are
chiefly rocky cliffs. The passage through the highlands, which is sixteen
or eighteen miles, affords a wild romantic scene. In this narrow pass, on
each side of which the mountains tower to a great height, the wind, if
there be any, is collected and compressed, and blows continually as
through a bellows. Vessels, in passing through it, are often obliged to
lower their sails" (Thompson, Geogr. Diet, of America).

MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

Troaclicrio
saviigcH.

the trees that grow on them were all blasted, and some of
them barren, with few or no trees on them. The people
brought a stone aboord like to an emery (a stone vised by
glasicrs to cut glasse),^ it would cut iron or stcelc : yet being
bruised small, and water put to it, it made a colour like
blacke lead glistering : it is also good for painters colours.
At three of the clocke they departed, and we rode still all
night.

'^Jih.c Jirst of October, faire weather, the wind variable be-
tweene the west and the north. In the morning we weighed
at seven of the clocke with the ebbe, and got downe below
the mountaynes, which was seven leagues. Then it fell
calme and the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelve
of the clocke. The people of the moinitaynes came aboord
us, wondring at our ship and weapons. We bought some
small skinnes of them for trifles. This afternoone, one canoe
kept hanging under our sterne with one man in it, which
we could not keepe from thence, who got up by our rudder
to the cabin window, and stole out my pillow, and two
shirts, and two bandeleeres. Our masters mate shot at him,
and strooke him on the brest, and killed him. Whereupon
all the rest fled away, some in their canoes, and so leapt out
of them into the water. We manned our boat, and got our
things againe. Then one of them that swamme got hold of
our boat, thinking to overthrow it. But our cooke tookc a
sword, and cut ofl" one of his hands, and he was drowned.
By this time the ebbe was come, and we weighed and got
downe two leagues : by that time it was darke. So we
anchored in foure fathomes water, and rode well.

The second, faire weather. At break of day wee weighed,
the wind being at north-west, and got downe seven leagues;
then the floud Avas come strong, so we anchored. Then
came one of the savages that swamme aM'ay from us at our
going up the river with many other, thinking to betray us.

1 Pyrilis I

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 91

But wee perceived their intent, and suffered none of them

to enter our ship. Whereupon two canoes full of men, with i;\„f^"""^'^

their bowcs and arrowes shot at us after our sterne : in Inuc ^'^

recompence Avhereof we discharged sixe muskets, and killed

two or three of them. Then above an hundred of them

came to a point of land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon

at them, and killed two of them : whereupon the rest fled

into the woods. Yet they manned ofi' another canoe with

nine or ten men, which came to meet us. So I shot at it also

a falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then

our men with their muskets killed three or foure more of

them.^ So they went their way ; within a while after wee

got downe two leagues beyond that place, and anchored in

a bay, cleere from all danger of them on the other side of

the river, where we saw a very good piece of ground : and

hard by it there was a cliffe, that looked of the colour of

a white greene, as thouarh it were either copper or silver "^ "'^'""^ °^

a ^ ^ 1 i cojilier or

myne : and I thinke it to be one of them, by the trees that ^''"^''
grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the other places
are greene as grasse ; it is on that side of the river that is
called Manna-hata." There we saw no people to trouble ^

The couu-
rey of

us : and rode quietly all night ; but had much wind and hat'u'.'

^ Moulton (i, 271) thinks that this scene took place at the upper end
of the island of JManhattan (on which New York now stands), near Fort
Washington and Fort Lee, and that the next place mentioned (see
note 2) was opposite Manhattan island. This assertion seems doubtful,
as will be explained in the next note.

^ Moulton (i, 272) places this site nesiv Hoboke7i, opposite New York.
This opinion of the else so accurate historian is very improbable. Hud-
son's words, " That side of the river which is called Manna-liatta''\
cannot possibly apply to anything but Manhattan island itself. All the
early chroniclers, as well as the early maps and views, agree in giving
to that island the Indian name which it still bears ; whilst the opposite
shore, though, perhaps, also inhabited by the Manhattan tribe, is never
called Manhattan. It had, on the contrary, an Indian name of its own,
Ilopogkan, now corrupted into Ilohohen. Moulton, indeed, adduces no
reason for his supposition.

92 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The third, was very stormie ; the wind at east north-east.
In the morning, in a gust of wind and raine, our anchor
came home, and we drove on ground, but it was ozie. Then
as we were about to have out an anchor, the wind came to
the north north-west, and drove us off againe. Then we
shot an anchor, and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and
Aveighed the other. Wee had much wind and raine, with
thicke weather ; so we roade still all night.

The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at north

north-west ; wee weighed and came out of the river, into

which we had runne so farre.^ Within a while after, wee

came out also of the great mouth of the great river, that

The great runnctli UD to the north-wcst,~ borrowing upon the norther

mouth of _ ^ _ _ •' o 1

the great gj([g of the Same, thinking to have cleepe water : for wee had

river. ' o i '

sounded a great way Avith our boat at our first going in, and
found seven, six, and five fathomes. So we came out that
Avay, but we were deceived, for we had but eight foot and
an halfe water : and so three, five, three, and two fathomes
and an halfe. And then three, foure, five, sixe, seven,
eight, nine and ten fathomes. And by twelve of the clocke
Theyieave wc Were clecrc of all the inlet. Then we took in our boat,

the coasi of

Virginia, and Set our mayne-sayle, and sprit-sayle, and our top-sayles,
and steered away east south-east, and south-east by east off
into the mayne sea : and the land on the souther side of the
bay or inlet did beare at noone west and by south foure
leagues from us.

The Jifth was fciire weather, and the wind variable be-
tweene the north and the east. Wee held on our course
south-east by east. At noone I observed and found our
height to bee 39 degrees, 30 minutes. Our compasse varied
sixe degrees to the west.

Wc continued our course toward England, without seeing

^ Hudson river, from the source to New York V>Ay.
- The mouLli of the Hudson trends to the north-west, where Raritou
ri\cr falls into it.

ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. 93

any land by the way, all the rest of this moncth of October :
and on the secenth day of November, stilo novo, being Satur-
day, by the grace of God we safely arrived in the range of
Dartmouth, in Devonshire, in the yeere 1609.

AN ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNALL OF
MASTER HENRY HUDSON,

FOR THE DISCOVEEIE OF THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, EEGUNNE THE SEVEN-
TEENTH OF APRILL, 1610, ENDED WITH HIS END, BEING TREACHEROUSLY
EXPOSED BY SOME OF THE COMPANIE.

The seventeenth of Aprill, 1610, we brake ground, and April ir.
went downe from Saint Katharines Poole,^ and fell downe to
Blackewall ; and so plyed downe with the ships to Lee,
which was the two and twentieth day.

The two and twentieth, I caused Master Coleburne- to bee
put into a pinke bound for London, with my letter to the
Adventurars, importing the reason wherefore I so put him
out of the ship, and so plyed forth.

The second of May, the wind southerly, at eeven we were May.
thwart of Flamborough Head.

The /f/if, we were at the iles of Orkney, and here I set the xheiiesof

Orkney.

north end of the needle, and the north of the flie all one.

The sixt, wee were in the latitude of 59 degrees, 22 Note.

^ Where St. Katharine's Dock now is ; near the Tower.

^ According to Pricket the man's name was Colbert ; according to Fox
(X. W. Fox, p. 70) it was Coolbrand. The occurrence took place near
Sheppey island, in the road of Lee. Fox's curious notice about this
Master Coolbrand is given in the present collection.

94 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

minutes, and there perceived that the north end of Scotland,
Orney, and Shetland' are not so northerly as is commonly
set downc.- The eight day wee saw Farre Ilands,^ in the
latitude of G2 degrees, 24 minutes. The eleventh day we
fell with the easter part of Island, and then plying along the

westmony. souther part of the land we came to Westmony,* being
the ffteenth day, and still plyed about the mayne iland
untill the last of May, with contrary winds, and we got
some fowles of divers sorts.

June. The first clay of June we put to sea out of an harbour, in

the westermost part Island, and so plyed to the westward in
the latitude of 66 degrees, 34 minutes, and the second day
plyed and found ourselves in 65»degrees, 57 minutes, with
little wind easterly.

The third day wee found ourselves in Qih degrees, 30
minutes, with winde at north-east ; a little before this we
sayled neere some ice.

Groneiand. 'W\c fouvth day wc saw Gronclaud''^ over the ice perfectly,
and this night the sunnc went downe due north, and rose
north-north east. So plying the fift day we were in 65
degrees, still encombred with much ice, which hung upon
the coast of Groneiand.

Frobishera xhc ninth dav wcc wcrc off Frobishers Streights,^' with the

Streights. •' o '

winde northerly, and plyed unto the south-westwards untill
Xhe. fifteenth day.

1l\\q fifteenth day we were in sight of the land, in latitude

^ Orkney and Shetland.

^ They are often laid down on old charts nearly a degree too high.

^ The Faroer islands.

■* The Westman or Westnianna islands, south of, and close to, Iceland.
They belong to the province of Iceland.

° That is to say, the northern part of Greenland. The southern part
•was called Desolation. Frobishcr's strait, which Hudson's contempora-
ries believed to be in Greenland, was thought to separate Gronland
from Desolation. The origin of these notions is most curious. The reader
will find them explained in the Introduction to the present volume.

" Sec last note.

ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. 95

59 degrees, 27 minutes/ which was called by Captayne John

Davis Desolation, and found the errour of the former laying i^esoiation,

downe of that land : and then running to the north-westward

untill the twentieth day, wee found the ship in 60 degrees,

42 minutes, and saw much ice, and many riplings or over-

fals, and a strong streame setting from east south-east to ^^ c"'"'ent

west north-west. '^^^'•

The one and twentie, tivo and ticcntle, and three and
tioentie dayes, with the winde variable, we plyed to the
north-westward in sight of much ice, into the height of
62 degrees, 29 minutes.-

The foure and twentie and five and tiventie dayes, sayling East

^ -^ •! ' J ^ entrance

to the westward about midnight, wee saw land north, which "trei'ius.
was suddenly lost againe. So wee ranne still to the west-
ward in 62 degrees, 17 minutes.^

The fift of July wee plyed up upon the souther side, "^"'y-
troubled Avith much ice in seeking the shoare untill the Jift
day of July, and we observed that day in 59 degrees, 16
minutes.^ Then we plyed off the shoare againe, untill the
eight day, and then found the height of the pole in 60 de-
grees, no minutes. Here we saw the land from the north-
west by west, halfe northerly, unto the south-west by west,
covered with snow, a champaigne land, and called it Desire pryfcfj-gti,
Provoketh.

We still plyed up to the westward, as the land and ice
would suffer untill the eleventh day ; when fearing a storme,
we anchored by three rockie ilands in uncertayne depth,

^ This latitude, 59° 27', can, unfortunately, not be maintained. The
most southern part, even of the islands about Cape Farewell, does not
reach down farther than 59° 35'. The cape itself is, according to the
best authorities, under 59° 45'. Hudson's mistake therefore extends to
eight or nine minutes at least, and may be greater.

^ Near Cape Elizabeth, coast of Labrador.

^ In Hall's sound, south of Resolution island.

* Near Ittimenaktok island, eastern shore of Ungava bay, and south-
east of Akpatok island.

96 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

"betweene two and nine fatliomes ; and found it an harbour

unsufficient by reason of sunken rockes, one of which was

next morning two fathomes above water. Wee called them

lies of Gods the Isles of Gods Mercies.' The water floweth here better

Mercies.

then foure f^ithomes. The floud commeth from the north,
flowing eight the change day. The latitude in this place is 62
degrees, 9 minutes. Then plying to the south-westward the
sixteenth day, wee were in the latitude of 58 degrees, 50
minutes,- but found our selves imbayed with land, and had
much ice : and we plyed to the north-westward untill the
nineteenth day, and then wee found by observation the

Hold with height of the pole in 61 degrees, 24 minutes, and saw the
land, which I named Hold with Hope.-^ Hence I plyed to
the north-westward still, untill the one and txoentieth day,

Amightie "with the wiud variable. Here I found the sea more growne

growiie sea.

then any wee had since wee left England.

The three and twentieth day, by observation the height of

the pole was 61 degrees, 33 minutes. The jite and ticen-

Magna ticth dav WO saw the land, and named it Magna Britannia,'*

Britauuia. •' ■-

The size and twentieth day wee observed and found the lati-
tude in 62 degrees, 44 minutes. The eight and twentieth
day we were in the height of 63 degrees, 10 minutes,^ and
plyed southerly of the west. The owe and thirtieth day,
plying to the westward, at noonc wee found ourselves in 62
degrees, 24 minutes.

The^rs^ of August we had sight of the northerne shoare,
from the north by east to the west by south off us : the north
part twelve leagues, and the wester part twentie leagues from
us : and we had no ground there at one hundred and cightie
fathomes. And I thinke I saw land on the sunnc side, but

^ Saddle Back, and the surrounding islands, to the south of Jack-
man's sound, (62° 10' N.; 70" 25' W.)

'^ Between Akpatok (59° 15') and Tessiujak (58° 50'), on the west
shore of Ungava bay.

=• Long island (Hudson's bay); GF 25' N.; 70° 20' W.

" About 01° 25' N.; 70° 20' W. •"' To the N.lv of Charles island.

ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. 97

could not make it perfectly, bearing east north-east. Here
I found the latitude 62 degrees, 50 minutes.^

The second day we had sight of a faire headland on the
norther shoare, six leagues off, which I called Salisburies fn'Ssijuiiea

" -^ I' ore-laud.

Fore-land :- wee ranne from them west south-west, fourtecne
leagues : in the midway of which wee were suddenly come
into a great and whurling sea, whether caused by meeting a great ana

whurliug

of two streames or an over-fall, I know not. Thence sayling sea.
west and by south seven leagues farther, we were in the
mouth of a streight and sounded, and no ground at oncAstreigut

T I , ,. I , • 1 1 • 1 1 which led US

nunclred latnomes : the streight being there not above two into the

. , deepe bay

leagues broad, in the passage in this wester part : which, of goJs
from the caster part of Fretum Davis, is distant two hun- ^^'■"^^•
dred and fiftie leagues thereabouts."^

The third day we put through the narrow passage, after
our men had beene on land, which had well observed there,
that the floud did come from the north, flowing by the
shoare five fathomes. The head of this entrance on the south
side I named Cape Worsenholme;* and the head on the north- cape wor-
wester shoare I called Cape Digs.'' After wee had sailed with capeDigs.
an easterly winde, west and by south ten leagues, the land
fell away to the southward, and the other iles, and land left
us to the westward. Then I observed and found the ship at
noone in 61 degrees, 20 minutes, and a sea to the westward.

^ The land they saw was Charles island, the most northern point of
which is about 62° 47'. (Latitude 77° 20' W.)

2 Salisbury island, 63° 40' N. ; 77° W.

^ This calculation is not far wrong. The real distance, as the crow
flies, is about one thousand English miles.

■* Cape Wolstenholme of our present maps. The spelling of the name
was not settled. That which now prevails is taken from Purchas, who
follows it generally, though not always.

^ Not the cape which bears this name at the present day, but a cape
on a small island, one of the Diggs' islands group, opposite Cape Wolsten-
holme, and only two leagues (about six sea miles or knots) from it. The
present Cape Diggs owes its name, most probably, to a mistake. On the
original chart of Hudson's Bay, the names are not very carefully put
down near the places to which they belong ; thus early geographers were
misled, and their successors have faithfully copied them. 13

98 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGR,

A LAllGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, AND THE
SUCCESSE THEREOF, WRITTEN BY

ABACUK PRICKETT.

AVe began our voyage for the north-west passage, the seccn-

tecnth of Aprill, 1610, Thwart of Shepey,' our master sent

Master Colbert back to the owners with his letter. The

next day we weighed from hence and stood for Harwich,

and came thither the eight and twentieth of Apr ill. From

Harwich we set sayle theirs/ q/Jfr/y, along the coast to the

Orkney, north, till we came to the isles of Orkney, from thence to

Island. ^*' the iles of Faro, and fiom thence to Island : on which we

fell in a fogge, hearing the rut of the sea ashoare, but saw

not the land whereupon our master came to an anchor.

The south- Hccrc wc werc embayed in the south-east part of the land.

east part

of Island. Wcc Weighed and stood along the coast, on the west side
towards the north : but one day being calme we fell a fish-
ing, and caught good store of fish, as cod, and ling, and
butte, with some other sorts that we knew not. The next
day we had a good gale of wind at south-west, and raysed

wostmouie the ilcs of Wcstmonie, where the king of Denmarke hath a
fortresse, by which we passed to rayse the Snow Hill foot,-
a mountayne so called on the north-west part of the land.

Mount But in our course we saw that famous hill. Mount Hecla,

Hechi

castethout ^yhich cast out much fire, a si^nc of foule weather to come

fire. ^ ^

in short time. Wee leave Island a stcrne of us, and met a

A uiayne mayuc of icc, which did hang on the north part of Island,

and stretched downe to the west, which when our master

saw, he stood back for Island to find an harbour, which wc

' Shcppey islam!, in the muutli of the Tiiames.

"^ Sncefials-Jiikull, a luountaiu on the west coast of Icohiud, in Wost-
hunl, ili.strict of Sucefieldness, -Ij.OOO' high.

"WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICK RTT. 99

did on the north-west part, called Derefcr,*' where wee'ornim-

ford.

killed good store of fowle. From hence we put to sea againe,
but neither wind nor weather serving, our master stood
backe for this harbour againe, but could not reach it, but
fell with another to the south of that, called by our English-
men Lousie Bay :^ where on the shoare we found an hot LousieBrtv.
bath, and here all our Englishmen bathed themselves: the '^"''''"'''^'''
water was so hot that it would scald a fowle.

From hence, the -first of June, we put to sea for Grone- The first

^ J J ' i: ^ of June.

land, but to the west wee saw land as we thought, for which
we beare the best part of a day, but it proved but a foggie
banke. So wee gave it over and made for Gronland, which
we raysed the fourth of June. Upon the coast thereof hung
good store of ice, so that our master could not attayne to the
shoare by any meanes. The land in this part is very moun-
taynous, and full of round hils, like to sugar-loaves, covered
with snow. AVe turned the land on the south side, as neere
as the ice would suffer us. Our course for the most part
was betweene the west and north-west, till we raysed the
Desolations, which is a great Hand in the west part of {]g"^',j^jj^,i
Groneland. On this coast we saw store of whales, and at whales!
one time three of them came close by us, so as wee could
hardly shunne them: then two passing very neere, and the
third going under our ship, wee received no harme by them,
praysed be God.

From the Desolations our master made his way north-
west, the wind being against him, who else would have gone
more to the north : but in this course we saw the first great
iland or mountayne of ice, whereof after we saw store.
About the latter end of June^ we raysed land to the north of

^ Dyre fiord, a gulf on the north-west coast of the northern peninsula
of Iceland, 66= 42' N.; 24° 20' W.

'■^ Breyde Fiord (mostly called Brede Bay on English maps), a large
bay on the west coast of Iceland, where some hot springs rise from the
bottom of the sea. (65° 20' N. ; 23° W.)

100 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

US, which our master tooke to bee that iland which Master
Davis setteth downe in his chart.* On the west side of his
strcight, our master would have gone to the north of it, but
the wind would not suffer him : so \\c fell to the south of it,
into a great rippling or overfall of current, the which setteth
to the west. Into the current we went, and made our way
to the north of the west, till we met with ice which hung on
this iland. Wherefore our master casting about, cleered
himselfe of this ice, and stood to the south, and then to the
west, through store of floting ice, and upon the ice store of
scales. AVe gained a cleere sea, and continued our course
till wee mcete ice ; first, with great ilands, and then with
store of the smaller sort. Betweene them we made our
course north-west, till we met with ice againe. But, in this
our going betweene the ice, we saw one of the gri'at ilands of
ice overt urne, which was a good warning to us, not to come
nigh them nor within their reach. ^ Into the ice wee put
ahead, as betweene two lands. The next day wee had a
stormc, and the wind brought the ice so fast upon us, that
in the end we were driven to put her into the chiefest of the
ice, and there to let her lie. Some of our men this day fell
sicke, I will not say it was for feare, although I saw small
signe of other griefe.

The storme ceasing, we stood out of the ice, where wee
saw any cleere sea to go to : which was sometime more and
sometime lesse. Our course was as the ice did lye, some-
time to the north, then to the north-west, and then to the
west and to the south-west : but still inclosed with ice.

^ Resolution island. Two delineations taken from Davis's survey
are still in existence. The one is on an engraved planisphere, in-
serted into a copy of Ilakluyt, in the British Museum ; the other
on the celebrated globe by Molyneux, quoted in Davis's summary
account of his voyages, and still preserved in the library of the Middle
Temple.

- According to IJarrow, this overturning is caused by the melting and
conscijuent splitting of the icebergs.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK TRICKETT. 101

Which when our master saw, he made his course to the
south, thinking to cleere himselfe of the ice that way : but
the more he strove the worse he Avas, and the more inclosed,
till wee could goe no further. Here our master was in
dcspaire, and (as he told me after) he thought he should
never have got out of this ice, but there have perished.
Therefore hee brought forth his card,^ and shewed all the
com pan V, that hee was entered above an hundred leasfues Hudson

i - ' ^ O ^ entered 100

further then ever any English was : and left it to their jher"hen"^'
choice, whether they would proceed any further ; yea, or been!""^
nay. Whereupon some were of one minde and some of ano-
ther, some wishing themselves at home and some not caring
where, so they were out of the ice : but there were some
who then spake words, which were remembred a great while
after.

There was one who told the master, that if he had an Discontents,
hundred pounds, hee would give foure-score and ten to be
at home : but the carpenter made answere, that if hee had
an hundred, hee would not give ten upon such condition,
but would thinke it to be as good money as ever he had any,

' There is an evident blunder in Pricket's rather vague recollections.
The card here mentioned must have been based on Weymouth's explo-
rations, which Hudson was made acquainted with by Peter Plancius,
learning, as is expressly stated, that Weymouth entered 100 leagues into
the strait. If Hudson had really said that he had proceeded 100 leagxies
farther than any Englishman, he would be guilty either of an idle boast,
or of a most enormous mistake. Desire Provokes (Akpatok), which he
reached immediately after the mutiny, is no more than 60 leagues even
from the north-eastern extremity of the strait (where he entered it).
Several of his statements, beside the chart, prove that he had a very fair
idea of the distances he had sailed. It is therefore impossible to suppose
that he believed himself to be 200 leagues from the mouth of the strait,
when he was really not more than 60. The following explanation may,
perhaps, solve the difficulty. Hudson had, undoubtedly, not sailed 200
leagues into the strait, when the mutiny took place. He had, however,
most probably sailed 200 leagues within it, exploring, as he did, both
the northern and southern shore, which are in some places more than
4 degrees (80 leagues) distant from each other. The scene of the mutiny
is in Ungava Bay, between the south-eastern shore and Akpatok island.

102 A LARCxER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

and to bring it as well home, by the leave of God. After
many words to no purpose, to workc we must on all hands,
to get ourselves out and to cleerc our ship. After much
labour and time spent, we gained roome to turne our ship
in, and so by little and little, to get cleere in the sea a
league or two off, our course being north and north-west.
In the end we raysed land to the south-west, high land and
Dosire covcrcd witli suow. Our master named this land. Desire
Provokes.' Lying here, wee heard the noyse of a great over-
fall of a tyde, that came out of the land : for now we might
see well that wee had beene embayed before, and time had
made us know, being so well acquainted with the ice, that
when night, or foggie or foule weather tooke us, we would
seek out the broadest iland of ice and there come to anchor.
Exercises of and runue, and sport, and fill water that stood on the ice in
nii.i profit ponds, both sweete and ffood. But after we had brou2:ht

on the ice. ^ . ° °

this land to beare south of us, we had the tyde and the cur-

Difference ^'^^t to opcu thc icc, as bciug carricd first one way and then

bayes.^"''" auotlicr: bvit in bayes they lye as in a pond witliout moving.

In this bay^ where wee were thus troubled with ice, wee

saw many of those mountaynes of ice aground, in sixc or

sevenscore fathome water. In this our course we saw a

bcare ujion a piece of ice by itsclfe, to the which our men

gave chase with their boat : but before they came nigh her,

Jce about the tyde had carried thc ice and the beare on it, and joined it

lUOl'ulliunu'. . . I'll

with the other ice : so they lost their labour, and came
aboord againe.

^ Akpatok island. There is again some confusion in the course as
given by Pricket. It lies too much west and not enough south. The posi-
tive statement by Hudson, that he was in 59° IG' a few days before
he reached Desire Provokes, in G0°, proves beyond all doubt that the
scene of these explorations was Ungava Bay, and that Desire Provokes
is Akpatok. This is also supported by Pricket's own statement (see
note 2) that they had been embayed before thoy reached Desire Provokes.

" Thc bay in which thoy had been embayed before they reached
Desire Pruvokes (sec nine Hues higher up), that is to say, Ungava Bay.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 103

We continued our course to the north-west, and rayscd
land to the north of our course, toward which we made, and
comming nigh it, there hung on the eastermost point many
Hands of floting ice, and a beare on one of them, which from
one to another came towards us, till she was readie to come
aboord. But when she saw us looke at her, she cast her
head betweene her hinde legges, and then dived under the
ice : and so from one piece to another, till she was out of
our reach. We stood along by the land on the south side
ahead of us ; wee met with ice that hung on a point of land
that lay to the south, more then this that we came up by :
which when our master saw, he stood in for the shoare. At
the west end of this iland (for so it is) we found an har-
bour, and came in (at a full sea) over a rocke, which had Adnnyerous

^ V / 5 rocke.

two fathome and an halfe on it, and was so much bare at a
low water. But by the great mercie of God, we came to an
anchor cleere of it : and close by it our master named them
the lies of Gods Mercie. This is an harbour for need, but uesof coda

Mercie.

there must be care had how they came in. Heere our master
sent me, and others with me, to discover to the north and
north-west : and in going from one place to another, we
sprung a covey of partridges which were young : at the Partridges.
which Thomas Woodhouse shot, but killed only the old
one.

This iland is a most barren place, having nothing on it but
plashes of water and riven rockes, as it were subject to earth-
quakes. To the north there is a great bay or sea^ (for I
know not what it will prove), where I saw a great iland of
ice aground, betweene the two lands which with the spring-
tide was set afloat, and carried into this bay or sea to the
north-westward, but came not backe againe, nor within
sight. Heere wee tooke in some drift wood that we found Driftwood,
ashoare.

From hence we stood to the south-west, to double the land
^ Jackman's sound.

104 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

to the west of us/ through much floting ice : in the ende wee
found a cleere sea, and continued therein, till wee raysed
land to the north-west. Then our master made his course
more to the south then before, but it was not long ere we
met with ice which lay ahead of us. Our master would have
doubled this ice to the north, but could not ; and in the end
put into it downe to the south-west through much ice, and
then to the south, where we embayed againe. Our master
strove to get the shoare, but could not, for the great store of
ice that was on the coast. From out of this bay we stood to
the north, and were soone out of the ice: then downe to the
south-west, and so to the west, where we were enclosed (to
our sight) with land and ice. For wee had land from the
south to the north-west on one side, and from the east to the
west on the other ; but the land that was to the north of us
and lay by east and west, was but an ilaud. On we went
till Ave could goe no further for ice : so we made our ship
fast to the ice which the tyde brought upon us, but when
the ebbe came, the ice did open, and made way ; so as in
seven or eight houres we were cleere from the ice, till we
came to weather ; but onely some of the great ilands, that
were carried along with us to the north-west.

Having a cleere sea, our master stood to the west along
by the south shoare, and raysed three capes or head-lands

Three capes, lying ouc aboYC another. The middlemost is an iland, and
maketh a bay or harbour, Avhich (I take) will prove a good

rrince ouc. Our uiastcr named them Prince Henries Cape or Fore-

Ilciiries

^''^po- land. When we had layd this we raised another, which was
the extreme point of the land looking towards the north :
upon it are two hills/ but one (above the rest) like an hay-

^ The Upper Savage Islands, and the land around North Bay. (62'' 30'
N. ; 70' W.)

•■» North Bluff. (62° 36' N.; 71° 26' W.)

'' A pretty accurate description of the southern sliorc of the strait,
from Cape Hope (or Hope's Advance) to Deception Bay.

WRITTEN BY ABACTJK PRICKETT. 105

cocke, which our master named King James his Cape.^ To King.rnmos

his Ctipe.

the north of this lie ccrtaine ilancls, which our master named
Queene Annes Cape or Fore-Land.~ Wee followed the north (lueeu
shoare still, iieyond the Kings Oape there is a sound or
bay, that hath some Hands in it : and this is not to be for-
gotten, if need be. Beyond this lyeth some broken land,
close to the maync, but what it is I know not, because we
passed by it in the night.

Wee stood to the north to double this land, and after to
the west againe, till wee fell with land that stretched from
the mayne, like a shewer^ from the south to the north, and
from the north to the west, and then downe to the south
againe. Being short of this land a storme took us, the wind
at west : we stood to the north and raised land, which when
our master saw he stood to the south againe, for he was
loath at any time that wee should see the north shoare. The
storme continuing, and comming to the south shoare againe, Nntc
our master found him.self shot to the west a great way, which
made him muse, considering his leeward way. To the south-
west of this land, on the mayne, there is an high hill, which
our master named Mount Charles.* To the north and beyond Mnnnt

Cliiirles.

this lieth an Hand, that to the east had a faire head, and

1 Probably Cape Weggs. (G2' 25' N. ; 73° 40' W.)

2 Evidently north-east of Charles's island ; about 63° 50' N.; 73° 40' W.
This shore is very imperfectly known, at least according to the last
Admiralty chart of the Arctic Sea (1853) ; and it would be hazardous to
make any positive statement about this site.

^ A skewer 1 The rather confused course, before and afterwards, till
they reached Charles Island, allows us no satisfactory guess about the
position of this s/iewer or skewer. Did they perhaps fall in with Charles
Island, then sail to the north, then a little to the west, and then to the
south, and thus again to Charles Island 1 The above description is in
accordance with the real aspect of the northern shore of the island.

* Charles's Island. According to Becherelle, " siiue a 30 ou 35 kilo-
metres de la cote N. du Labrador, dans le detroit de Hudson, long, de 3(i
kil. sur 40 ; lat. 68° 40' ; longit. 77° 20'." Hudson mistook it for part of
the mainland. ^

106 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

beyond it to the west other broken land/ which niakcth a
bay within, and a good road may be found there for ships.
Cape Sals- Qyj. niastor named tbe first Cape Salsburie.^

bune. '■

When we had left this to the north-east, we fell into a
rippling or overfall of a current, which at the first we tooke
to bee a shoald : but the lead being cast, wee had no
ground. On we passed, still in sight of the south shoarc,
till we raised land lying from the mayne some two leagues.
Our master tooke this to bee a part of the mayne of the
north land ; but it is an iland, the north side stretching out
to the west more then the south. This iland had a faire
head to the east, and very high land, which our master

Deepes named Decpes Cape :^ and the land on the south side, now
fidling away to the south, makes another cape or headland.

Worsen- whicli our master named Worsenhams Cape.* AVhen wee

linms Cape.

were nigh the North or Iland Cape, our master sent the boat
ashoare, with my selfe (who had the charge) and the car-
penter, and divers others, to discover to the west and north-
west, and to the south-west ; but we had further to it then
we thought, for the land is very high, and we were over-
taken with a storme of rainc, thunder and lightning. But
to it we came on the north-east side, and up we got from
one rock to another, till we came to the highest of that part.
Bccro. Here we found some plaine ground, and saw some deere ;
as first, foure or five, and after, a dozen or sixteene in an
herd, but could not come nigh them -with a musket shot.

Thus, going from one place to another, wee saw to the
west of us an high hill above all the rest, it being nigh us :
but it proved further ofi^" then we made account ; for, when

' Pricket's statement is obscure. Docs he mean that the brokon land
here mentioned lies east or west of Salisbury Island I

2 Salisbury Island, (J3° 40' N.; 7^" W. It is marked as an island (not
as a cape) on the chart. That clears up one part of Pricket's confused
sentence, the other part remains obscure.

' /■''//,'A'i "ot Deepes. For the real locality, see above, p. !)7,note ;">.

■' ('. VVolstenhclmc.

^VRITTEN BY ABACUK I'RICKETT. 107

wee came to it, the land was so steepe on the cast and north-
east parts that wee couki not get unto it. To the south-
west we saw that Avee might, and towards that ^lart wee went
along by the side of a great pond of water, which lieth
under the east side of this hill : and there runneth out of it
a streame of water as much as would drive an over-shot
mill; which falleth downe from an high clifFe into the sea
on the south side. In this place great store of fowle breed, 5'T"'i

I O ' tuule aim

and there is the best grasse that I had scene since we came s'''"'''"-
from England. Here wee found sorell, and that which wee g",','®" ""''
call scurvy-grass in great abundance. Passing along wee ^"'^'*''"
saw some round hills of stone, like to grasse cockes, which
at the first I tooke to be the worke of some Christian. Wee
passed by them, till we came to the south side of the hill ;
we went unto them and there found more ; and being nigh
them I turned off the uppermost stone, and found them
hollow within and full of fowles hanged by their neckes. ^°i7gej.
Then Greene and I went to fetch the boat to the south-

side, while Robert Billet^ and hee got downe a valley to the
sea side, where wee tooke them in.

Our mas (in this time) came in betweene the two lands,
and shot off some peeces to call us aboord ; for it Avas a
fogge. Wee came aboord and told him what we had scene,
and perswaded him to stay a day or two in this place, telling
him what refreshing might there bee had : but by no meanes
would he stay, who was not pleased with the motion. So
we left the fowle, and lost our way downe to the south-west,
before they went in sight of the land which now beares to
the east from us, being the same mayne land that wee had
all this while followed. Now we had lost the sight of it,
because it falleth away to the east after some five and twenty

' Robert Bylot (thus his name is written by Fox and Purchas), was
perhaps the most active northern navigator after Hudson had perished.
He was also, as we shall see, made captain of Hudson's ship, after Green's
death, and brought her safely home.

108 A LARGER UISCOURSH OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

or thirty leagues/ Now we came to the shallow water,
Avhercwith wee were not acquainted since we came from
Island ; now we came into broken ground and rockes,
through which wc passed downe to the south. In this our
course we had a storme, and the water did shoald apace.
Our master came to an anchor in fifteene fathoms water.

Wee weighed and stood to the south-east, because the land
in this place did lie so. When we came to the point of the
west land'-^ (for we now had land on both sides of us), we
came to an anchor. Our master sent the boat ashoare to
see what that land was, and whether there were any ^vay
through. They soone returned, and shewed that beyond
the point of land to the south there was a large sea. This
land on the west side was a very narrow point. Wee weighed
from hence and stood in for this sea betAveene the two lands,
Avhich (in this place) is not two leagues broad downe to the
south, for a great M'ay in sight of the east shoare. In the
end we lost sight thereof, and saw it not till we came to the
bottome of the bay, into sixc or seven fathomes water.
Hence Ave stood up to the north by the west shoare, till Avee
came to an iland in 53,^ Avhere we tooke in water and ballast.

From hence wee passed tOAvards the north : but some two
or three dayes after (reasoning concerning our coniming
into this bay and going oiit) our master took occasion to
revive old matters, and to displace Robert Juct from being
his mate, and the boatswaine from his place, for the Avords
spoken in the first great bay of ice. Then lice made Kobcrt

' Somewhat to the north of the dccj) recess called JMosc^uito Bay, the
eastern shore of James Bay begins to trend in a south-east direction.

- Perhaps Charlton Island, in James's Bay, 52' 12' N., the eastern
coast being the terra firma of Labrador.

^ There are several small islands in that latitude. They have no
names on the charts the editor has seen.

•* This description corresponds very well Avith a recess in the south-
east corner of James's Bay, which has no name on the charts I am
ac(|uainted witli. There is an island, also without name, at its mouth.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 109

Billet Ills mate, and AVilliam Wilson our boatswaine. Up
to the north wee stood till we raised land, then down to the
south, and up to the north, then downc againe to the south:
and on Michaelmasse day came in and went out of certaine Mieimei-

masse day

lands, which our master sets downe by the name of Michael- and bay.
masse Bay,' because we came in and went out on that day.
From hence wee stood to the north, and came into shoald
water ; and the weather being thicke and foule, wee came to
an anchor in seven or eight fathome water, and there lay
eight dayes : in all which time wee could not get one houre
to weigh our anchor. But the eight day, the wind begin-
ning to cease, our master would have the anchor up, against
the mind of all who knew what belonged thereunto. Well,
to it we went, and when we had brought it to a peake, a sea
tooke her, and cast us all off from the capstone and hurt
divers of us. Here wee lost our anchor, and if the carpenter Anchor lost.
had not beene, we had lost our cable too ; but he (fearing
such a matter) was ready with his axe, and so cut it.

From hence we stood to the south and to the south-west,
through a cleere sea of divers sounding, and came to a sea seaoftwo

^ . . colours.

of two colours, one blacke and the other white, sixteene or
seventeene fathome water, betvveene which we went foure
or five leagues. But the night comming we tooke in our
top-sayles, and stood afore the wind with our maine-sayle
and fore-sayle, and came into five or sixe fathomes, and saw
no land, for it was darke. Then we stood to the east and had
deepe water againe, then to the south and south-Avest, and
so came to our westermost bay of all,^ and came to an anchor
neerest to the north shoare. Out went our boat to the land
that was next us; when they came neere it our boat could
not flote to the shoare it was so shallow : yet ashoare they
got. Here our men saw the footing of a man and a ducke Footing of
in the snowy rockes, and wood good store, whereof they

^ Hannah Bay 1

^ Probably North Bay, the south-west corner of James's Bay.

A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

tooke some and returned aboord. Being at anchor in this
place, we saw a ledge of rockcs to the south of us, some
league of length ; it lay north and south, covered at a full
sea; for a strong tide setteth in here. At midnight wee
weighed, and stood to go out as we came in ; and had not
gone long, but the carpenter came and told the master, that
if he kept that course he would be upon the rockes : the
master conceived that he was past them, when presently wee
ranne on them, and there stucke fast twelve houres ; but (by
the mercy of God) we got off unhurt, though not unscarred.

Wee stood up to the east and raysed three hills, lying
north and south : we went to the furthermost, and left it to
the north of us, and so into a bay, where we came to an
anchor.^ Here our master sent out our boat, with myselfe
and the carpenter to seeke a place to winter in ; and it was
time, for the nights were long and cold, and the earth
covered with snow. Having spent three moneths in a
labyrinth without end, being now the last of October, we
went downc to the east, to the bottome of the bay ; but re-
turned without speeding of that we went for. The next day
we went to the south and the south-west, and found a place,
whereunto we brought our ship, and haled her aground : and
this was the Jirst of November. By the tenth thereof we
were frozen in : but now we were in, it behoved us to have
care of what we had ; for that we were sure of, but what we
had not was uncertainc.

Wee were victualled for six moneths in good proportion,
and of that which was good : if our master would have had
more, he might have had it at home and in other places.
Here we were now, and therefore it behoved us so to spend,
that we might have (when time came) to bring us to the
capes where the fowle bred,*^ for that was all the hope wee

^ Probably the south-eastern corner of James' Bay. This bay cor-
responds in almost every respect with the above description.

■■' Capo Wostcnholmc and the opposite cape on one of the Diggs'
J.shuuls (sec p. 107).

WUTTTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. Ill

had to bring us home. AVhcrcfore our master toolcc order,
first for tlie spending of that Avee had, and then to increase
it, by propounding a reward to them that killed either beast,
fish, or fowle, as in his journall you have seene. About the
middle of this moneth of Noccmhcr, dyed John Williams, '•^o^mW''-,

' •> ' liams dyeth.

our gunner : God pardon the masters uncharitable dealing
Avith this man. Now for that I am come to speake of him,
out of whose ashes (as it were) that unhappy deed grew
which brought a scandall upon all that are returned home,
and upon the action itselfc, the multitude (like the dog) run-
ning after the stone, but not at the caster : therefore, uot to
wrong the living nor slander the dead, I will (by the leave
of God) deliver the truth as neere as I can.

You shall understand that our master kept (in his house
at London) a young man, named Henrie Greene, borne in Hemy

•' '-' ' Greenes

Kent, of worshipful! parents, but by his lend life and con- Ij-'t'lo"^,"""
versation hee had lost the good will of all his frinds, and
had spent all that hee had. This man our master would
have to sea with him, because he could write well : our
master gave him meate, and drinke, and lodging, and by
meanes of one Master Venson, with much adoe got foure
pounds of his mother to buy him clothes, wherewith Master
Venson would not trust him : but saw it laid out himselfe.
This Henrie Greene was not set downe in the owners booke,
nor any wages made for him. Hee came first aboord at
Gravesend, and at Harwich should have gone into the field,
with one Wilkinson. At Island^ the surgeon and hee fell
out in Dutch, and hee beat him a shoare'"' in English, which
set all the company in a rage ; so that wee had much adoe
to get the surgeon aboord. T told the master of it, but hee
bade mee let it alone, for (said he) the surgeon had a tongue
that would wrong the best friend hee had. But Tlobert
Juet (the masters mate) would needs burne his finger in the
embers, and told the carpenter a long tale (when hee was
^ A Iceland. ^ A sore ?

112 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

tlrunke) that our master had brought in Greene to cracke
his credit that shouhl displease him : which words came to
the masters cares, Avho when hee vmderstood it, would have
gone backc to Island, when he was fortie leagues from
thence, to have sent home his mate Robert Juet in a fisher-
man. But, being otherAvise perswaded, all was well. So
Henry Greene stood upright, and very inward with the
master, and was a serviceable man every way for manhood :
but for religion he would say, he was cleane paper whereon
he might write what he would. Xow, M'hen our gunner was
dead, and (as the order is in such cases) if the company
stand in need of any thing that belonged to the man de-
ceased, then is it brought to the mayne mast, and there sold
to them that will give most for the same. This gunner had
a gray cloth gowne, which Greene prayed the master to
friend him so much as to let him have it, paying for it as
another would give : the master saith hee should, and there-
upon he answered some, that sought to have it, that Greene
should have it, and none else, and so it rested.
Greenes Now out of scasou and time the master calleth the car-

penter to goe in hand with an house on shear e, which at the
beginning our master would not heare, when it might have
been done. The carpenter told him, that the snow and frost
were such, as hee neither could nor would goe in hand with
such worke. Which when our master heard, hee ferreted
him out of his cabbin to strike him, calling him by many
foule names, and threatning to hang him. The carpenter
told him that hee knew what belonged to his place better
than himselfe, and that hee Avas no house carpenter. So this
passed, and the house was (after) made with much labour, but
to no end. The next day after the master and the carpenter
fell out, the carpenter tooke his peece' and Henry Greene
with him, lor it was an order that none should goe out alone,
but one with u pecee, and another with a pike. This did

'His iivm.

conspiiacie.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 113

move the master so much the more against Henry Greene,
that Robert Billot his mate must have the gownc, and had
it delivered unto him ; which when Henry Greene saw, he
challenged the masters promise : but the master did so raile
on Greene, with so many words of disgrace, telling him,
that all his friends would not trust him with twenty shillings,
and therefore why should he. As for wages he had none,
uor none should have, if he did not please him well. Yet
the master had promised him to make his wages as good as
any mans in the ship ; and to have him one of the princes
guard when we came home. But you shall see how the
devil out of this so wrought with Green, that he did the
master what mischiefe hee could in seeking to discredit him,
and to thrust him and many other honest men out of the ship
in the end. To speake of all our trouble in this time of
winter (which was so cold, as it lamed the most of our com- Their hard

wiiitriiig.

pany, and my selfe doe yet feele it) would bee too tedious.

But I must not forget to shew how mercifully God dealt
with us in this time ; for the space of three moneths wee had
such store of fowle of one kinde (which were partridsres as store of

^ J. o partridges.

white as milke) that wee killed above an hundred dozen,
besides others of sundry sorts : for all was fish that came to
the net. The spring coming this fowle left us, yet they were
with us all the extreame cold. Then in their places came other fowies

succeeding

divers sort of other fowle, as swanne, geese, duck, and teale, '° '■''^'''

■^ ^ o ^ ' ^ seasous.

but hard to come by. Our master hoped they would have
bred in those broken grounds, but they doe not ; but came
from the south, and flew to the north, further then we were
this voyage ; yet if they be taken short with the wind at
north, or north-west, or north-east, then they fall and stay
till the winde serve them, and then flye to the north. Now
in time these fowles are gone, and few or none to be
scene. Then wee went into the woods, hilles, and valleycs,
for all things that had any shew of substance in them, how
vile soever : the mosse of the ground, then the which I take ^f'f "bie

" ' diet.

114 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

the powder of a post to bee much better, and the frogge (in
his ingcndring time as loathsome as a toade) was not spared.
But amongst the divers sorts of buds, it pleased God that
Thomas Woodhousc brought home a budde of a tree full of
a turpentine substance. Of this our surgeon made a dc-

budde'""'''''' coction to drinke, and applyed the buddes hot to them that
were troubled with ach in any part of their bodies ; and for
my part I confcsse, I received great and present ease of my
paine.^

Asavnge. About this time, when the ice began to breahe out of the
bayes, there came a savage to our ship, as it were to see and
to bee scene, being the first that wc had scene in all this
time : whom our master intreated well, and made much of
him, promising unto himselfe great matters by his mcanes,
and therefore would have all the knives and hatchets (which
any man had) to his private use, but received none but from
John King the carpenter, and my selfe. To this savage our
master gave a knife, a looking-glasse, and buttons, who
received them thankefully, and made signes that after hee
had slcjit hee would come againe, W'hich hee did. When
hee came hee brought with him a sled, which hee drew after

Tmke. him, and upon it two deeres skinnes and two beaver skinnes.
Hee had a scrip under his arme, out of which hee drew those
things which the master had given him. Hee tookc the
knife and laid it upon one of the beaver skinnes, and his
glasses and buttons upon the other, and so gave them to the
master, who received them ; and the savage tookc those
things which the master had given him, and put them up
into his scrip againe. Then the master shewed him an
hatchet, for which hee would have given the master one of

^ The decoction here mentioned was probably an antiscorbutic medi-
cine. Pricket's description of the malady, though so extremely vague,
seems to justify this opinion. The editor has been unable to ascertain
what tree Pricket refers to, or whether it is still ai>plicd to medical
l>urposes.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK TRICKETT. llO

his dcere skinnes, but our master would have them both,
and so hee had, although not wilHngly. After many signes
of people to the north and to the south, and that after so
many sleepes he would come againe, he went his way, but
never came more.

Now the ice being out of the sounds, so that our boat
might go from one place unto another, a company of men
were appointed by the master to go a fishing with our net ;
their names were as followeth : William Wilson, Henry
Greene, Michael Perce, John Thomas, Andrew Motor,
Bennet Mathewes, and Arnold Lodlo. These men, the first
day they went, caught five hundred fish, as big as good
herrings, and some troutes : which put us all in some hope
to have our wants supplied, and our commons amended : but
these were the most that ever they got in one day, for many
dayes they got not a quarter so many. In this time of their
fishing, Henry Green and William Wilson, with some others,
plotted to take the net and the shallop, which the carpenter
had now set up, and so to shift for themselves. But the shallop
being readie, our master would goe in it himselfe to the south
and south-west, to see if hee could meete with the people; for
to that end was it set up, and (that way) wee might see the
woods set on fire by them. So the master tooke the sayne and
the shallop, and so much victuall as would serve for eight or
nine dayes, and to the south hee w^ent. They that remained
aboord were to take in water, wood, and ballast, and to have
all things in a readinesse against hee came backe. But hee set
no time of his returne, for he was perswaded, if he could
meet with the people, he should have flesh of them, and that
good store : but hee returned worse than hee went forth.
For he could by no meanes meete with the people, although
they were neere them, yet they would set the woods on fire
in his sight.

Being returned, hee fitted all things for his returne, and
first, delivered all the bread out of the bread roome (which

Fibbing.

1 16 A LARGEK DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

came to a pound a piece for every mans share) and delivered
also a bill of rcturne, willing them to have that to shew, if it
pleased God that they came home : and hee wept when hee
gave it unto them. But to helpe us in this poore estate
with some reliefe, the boate and sayne went to work on
Friday morning, and stayed till Sunday noone : at which
time they came aboord, and brought fourescore small fish, a
poore reliefe for so many hungry bellies. Then we wayed
and stood out of our wintering place, and came to an anchor
without, in the mouth of the bay : from whence we wayed
and came to an anchor without in the sea, where our bread
being gone, that store of cheese we had was to stop a gap,
whereof there were five, whereat the company grudged,
because they made account of nine. But those that were left
were equally divided by the master, although he had coun-
sell to the contrarie : for there were some who having it,
would make hast to bee rid thereof, becavise they could not
governe it. I knew when Henrie Greene gave halfe his
bread, which hee had for fourteene dayes, to one to keepe,
and prayed him not to let him have any untill the next
Munday : but before Wednesday at night hee never left till
hee had it againe, having eaten up his first weekes bread
before. So Wilson the boat-swaine hath eaten (in one day)
his fortnights bread, and hath beene two or three dayes
sicke for his labour. The cause that moved the master to
deliver all the cheese, was because they M'ere not all of one
goodncsse, and therefore they should see that they had no
wrong done them : but every man should have alike the
best and the worst together, which was three pounds and a
halfe for seven dayes.

The wind serving, wc weighed and stood to the north-
west, and on IMunday at night (the eighteenth day of JuneY

^ The vagueness of Pricket's geographical statements, which pre-
cludes the satisfactory determination of the spot where Hudson wintered,
makes it equally impossible to ascertain his course during the few days

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 117

wee fell into the ice, and the next clay, the wind being at
west, we lay there till Sunday in sight of land. Now being
here, the master told Nicholas Simnies that there would be
a breaking up of chests and a search for bread, and willed
him, if hee had any, to bring it to him, which hee did, and
delivered to the master thirty cakes in a bagge. This deed
of the master (if it bee true) hath made me marvell what
should bee the reason that hee did not stop the breach in
the beginning, but let it grow to that height, as that it over-
threw himselfe and many other honest men : but " there are
many devices in the heart of man, hut the counsell of the
Lord shall stand.''''

Being thus in the ice on Saturday, the one and tiven-
tieth of June, at night, Wilson the boatswayne, and Henry wuson and

•^ . . . Green, their

Greene, came to mee lying (in my cabbin) lame, and told wicked-
mee that they and the rest of their associates would shift
the company, and turne the master and all the sicke men
into the shallop, and let them shift for themselves. For there
was not fourteen dales victuall left for all the company, at
that poore allowance they were at, and that there they lay,
the master not caring to goe one way or other : and that they
had not eaten any thing these three dayes, and therefore were
resolute, either to mend or end, and what they had begun
they would goe through with it, or dye. When I heard this,
I told them I marvelled to heare so much from them, con-
sidering that they were married men, and had wives and
children, and that for their sakes they should not commit so
foule a thing in the sight of God and man as that would
bee ; for why should they banish themselves from their
native countrie ? Henry Greene bad me hold my peace, for
he knew the worst, which was, to be hanged when hee came

he spent in his ship after leaving his harbour of refuge. The scene of
the important events narrated on the present and the next pages was at
no great distance (N.W.) from the south-eastern corner of James Bay.
It seems impossible to fix the locality with any greater degree of pre-
cision.

118 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

home, and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged
at home then starved abroad : and for the good will they
bare me, they would have mee stay in the ship. I gave
them thankes, and told them that I came into her, not to for-
sake her, yet not to hurt my selfe and others by any such
deed. Henry Greene told me then, that I must take my
fortune in the shallop. If there be no remedy (said 1) the
will of God bee done.

Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his
throat that went about to disturbe them, and left Wilson by
me, with whom I had some talke, but to no good : for he
was so perswaded, that there was no remedie now but to goe
on while it was hot, least their partie should faile them, and
the mischiefs they had intended to others should light on
themselves. Henry Greene came againe, and demanded of
him what I said. Wilson answered : He is in his old song,
still patient. Then I spake to Henry Greene to stay three
dayes, in which time I would so deale with the master that
all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbeare but two
dayes, nay twelve houres ; there is no way then (say they)
but out of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay
till Munday, I would joyne with them to share all the vic-
tuals in the ship, and would justify it when I came home ;
but this would not serve their turnes. Wherefore I told
them, it was some worse matter they had in hand then they
made shew of, and that it was bloud and revenge hce sought,
or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such
a deed. Henry Greene (with that) taketh my bible which
lay before me, and sware that hee would doe no man harmc,
and what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for
nothing else ; and that all the rest should do the like. The
like did Wilson sweare.
sec'wia"'^^' Henry Greene went his way, and presently came Juet,
nmt who, because hee was an ancient man, I hoped to have found
some reason in him ; but hee was worse than Henry Greene,

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PllIClvKTT. 119

for hee sware plainly that he would justifie this deed when
he came home. After him came John Thomas and iVIichael
Perce as birds of one feather ; but because they are not
living, I will let them goe, as then I did. Then came INIoter
and Bennet, of whom I demanded, if they were well advised
what they had taken in hand. They answered, they were,
and therefore came to take their oath.

Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one
of them that plotted with them, and that by an oath I should
bind them together to perform what they had begun,! thought
good heere to set downe to the viewe of all, how well their
oath and deedes agreed : and thus it was : — " You shall oaiu

" ahused.

sweare truth to God, your prince and countrie : you shall
doe nothing, but to the glory of God and the good of the
action in hand, and harme to no man." This was the oath,
without adding or diminishing. I looked for more of these
companions (although these were too many) but there came
no more. It was darke, and they in a readinesse to put this
deed of darkness in execution. I called to Henry Greene
and Wilson, and prayed them not to goe in hand with it in
the darke, but to stay till the morning. Now, everie man
(I hope) would goe to his rest, but wickednesse sleepeth
not ; for Henry Greene keepeth the master company all
night (and gave mee bread, which his cabbin-mate gave
him) and others are as -watchfuU as he. Then I asked
Henrie Greene, whom he would put out with the master ?
he said, the carpenter John King, and the sicke men. I
said, they should not doe well to part with the carpenter,
what need soever they should have. Why the carpenter
was in no more regard amongst them was, first, for that he
and John King were condemned for wrong done in the
victuall. But the chiefest cause Avas for that the master
loved him and made him his mate, upon his return out
of our wintering place, thereby displacing Robert Billet,
whereat they did grudge, because hee could neither write

120 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

nor read. And therefore (said they) the master and his
ignorant mate would carry the ship whither the master
pleased : the master forbidding any man to keepe account
or reckoning, having taken from all men whatsoever served
for that purpose. Well, I obtained of Henry Greene and
Wilson that the carpenter should stay, by whose meancs I
hoped (after they had satisfied themselves) that the master
and the poore man might be taken into the ship againe. Or,
I hoped, that some one or other would give some notice,
either to the carpenter John King or the master ; for so it
might have come to passe by some of them that were the
most forward.

Now, it shall not bee amisse to shew how wee were
lodged, and to begin in the cooke roome ; there lay Bennet
and the cooper lame ; without the cooke roome, on the
steere-board side, lay Thomas Wydhouse^ sicke ; next to
him lay Sydrack Funer lame ; then the surgeon, and John
Hudson with him ; next to them lay Wilson the boatswaine,
and then Arnold Lodlo next to him : in the gun-roome lay
Bobert Juet and John Thomas ; on the larboord side lay
Michael Bute and Adria Moore, who had never beene well
since wee lost our anchor ; next to them lay Michael Perce
and Andrew Meter. Next to them, without the gun-roome,
lay John King, and with him Bobert Billet r next to them
my selfe, and next to me Francis Clements. In the mid-
ship, betweenc the capstone and the pumpes, lay Hcnrie
Greene and Nicholas Simines. This night John King was
late up, and they thought he had beene with the master, but
he was with the carpenter, who lay on the poope, and coni-
ming downe from him was met by his cabbin-mate, as it
were by chance, and so they came to their cabbin together.
It was not long ere it was day : then came Bennet for water

' The " student of mathcniatics," whose "paper t'ounJ in his desk"
foiiiis part of the present collection.
■■' JJylut.

ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. 121

for the kettle, hee rose and went into the hohl : when hec
was in they shut the hatch on him (but who kept it clownc
I know not), up upon the deck went Bennet.

In the meane time Henrie Greene and another went to
the carpenter, and held him with a talke till the master
came out of his cabbin (which hee soone did) ; then came They bind

tlio master

John Thomas and Bennet before him, while \yilson bound

his amies behind him. He asked them what they meant ?

they told him he should know when he was in the shallop.

Now Juet, while this was a doing, came to John King into

the hold, who was provided for him, for he had got a sword

of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might have killed him,

but others came to helpe him : and so he came up to the

master. The master called to the carpenter and told him

that he was bound, but I heard no answere he made. Now

Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute rayled at them, and told

them their knaverie would shew itselfe. Then was the

shallop haled up to the ship side, and the poore, sicke, and

lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabbins

into the shallop. The master called to me, who came out

of my cabbin as well as I could, to the hatch way to spcake

with him : where, on my knees I besought them, for the

love of God, to remember themselves, and to doe as they

would be done unto. They bade me keepe myselfe well,

and get me into my cabbin ; not suffering the master to

speake with me. But when I came into my cabbin againe,

hee called to me at the home which gave light into my

cabbin, and told mee that Juet would overthrow us all ; nay

(said I) it is that villaine Henrie Greene, and I spake it not

softly.

Now was the carpenter at libertie, who asked them if they

would bee hanged when they came home : and as for him-

selfe, hee said, hee would not stay in the ship unlesse they The carpen-
ter let gue.

would force him : they bad him goe then, for they would
not stay him. I will (said hec) so I may have my chest with

122 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

mee, and all that is in it : they said hoc should, and presently
they put it into the shallop. Then hee came downe to mee
to take his leave of mee, who persuaded him to stay, which
if he did, he might so worke that all should bee well : hee
said, hee did not thinke but they would be glad to take
them in again c. For he was so persuaded by the master,
that there was not one in all the ship that could tell how to
carry her home ; but (saith hee) if we must part (which wee
will not willingly doe, for they wovild follow the ship) hee
prayed mee, if wee came to the Capes^ before them, that I
would leave some token that we had been there, necre to the
place where the fowles bred, and hee would doe the like for
us : and so (with teares) we parted. Now were the sicke
men driven out of their cabbins into the shallop ; but John
Thomas was Francis Clements friend, and Bennct was the
Coopers, so as there were words betweene them and Henric
Greene, one saying that they should goc. and the other
swearing that they should not goe, but such as were in the
shallop should returne. AVhcn Henrie Greene heard that,
he was compelled to give place, and to put out Arnold
Lodlo and Michael Bute, which with much adoe they did.

In the meane time, there were some of them that plyed
their worke as if the ship had been entred by force and they
had free leave to pillage, breaking up chests and rifling all
places. One of them came by me, who asked me, what they
should doe. I answered, hee should make an end of what
hee had begun ; for I saw him doe nothing but sharke up
The names and dowuc. Nowc wcrc all the poorc men in the shallop,

of the com-

'!os','^r^ ti whose names are as followcth : Ilenrie Hudson, John Hud-
''''"^""'" " son,2 Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Fancr, Phillip Staffc, Thomas

' Cape Worstcnholnic and Cape Diggs.

^ Several works on arctic discovery assert that this John Hudson was
the son of the great navigator. This is merely a conjecture, though not
an luilikcly one. It rests upon the fact that John was a bo}' when he
lost his life together with his supposed father.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK I'RICKETT. 1J;J3

Wooclhouse or AVydhousc, Adam Moore, Hcnric King,
Michael Bute. The carpenter got of thciu a peece, and
powder, and shot, and some pikes, an iron pot, with some
meale, and other things. They stood out of the ice, the
shallop being fast to the sterne of the shippe, and so (when
they were nigh out, for I cannot say they were cleane out)
they cut her head fast from the sterne of our ship, then out
with their top-sayles, and towards the east they stood in a
cleere sea. In the end they tookc in their top-sayles, righted
their helme, and lay under their fore-sayle till they had
ransacked and searched all places in the ship. In the hold
they found one of the vessels of meale whole, and the other
halfe spent, for wee had but two ; wee found also two firkins
of butter, some twentie-seven pieces of porke, halfe a bushcll
of pease ; but in the masters cabbin we found two hundred
of bisket cakes, a pecke of meale, of beere to the quantitie
of a butt, one with another. Now it was said that the
shallop was come within sight, they let fall the mainsayle,
and out with their top-sayles, and fly as from an enemy.

Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves ; but
William Wilson (more than the rest) would heare of no such
matter. Comming nigh the east shore they cast about, and
stood to the west and came to an ilaud,^ and anchored in
sixteene or seventeene fathome water. So they sent the
boat and the net ashoare to see if they could have a draught ;
but could not for rocks and great stones. Michael Perse
killed two fowle, and heere they found good store of that
weede which we called cockle-grasse in our wintering-
place, whereof they gathered store, and came aboard againe.
Heere we lay that night and the best part of the next day,

1 Pricket's geographical statements about the return voyage are even
vaguer than those about the voyage out. A few of them only serve
as foundations for guesses at the real localities touched by the returning
party. The statement to which the present note refers is not of that
number; and it is absolutely impossible to guess what island is here
meant.

124 A LARGER DISCOUllSE OF THE SAIME VOYAGE,

i^ast sight in all whicli time we saw not the shallop, or ever after.

ol the ^

Bhaiiop. Jvfow Hcnric Greene came to me and told mce, that it was
the companies will tliat I should come up into the masters
cabbin and take charge thereof. I told him it M'as more fit
for Robert Juet : he said he should not come in it, nor
meddle with the masters card or journals. So up I came,
and Henrie Greene gave me the key of the masters chest,
and told me then, that he had laid the masters best things
together, which hee would use himselfe when time did serve:
the bread was also delivered to me by tale.

The wind serving, wee stood to the north-east, and this
was Robert Billets course, contrarie to Robert Juet, who
would have gone to the north-west. We had the eastcrne
shoare still in sight, and (in the night) had a stout gale of
wind, and stood afore it till wee met with ice, into the which
we ranne from thinne to thicke, till we could goe no further
for ice, which lay so thicke ahead of us (and the Avind brought
it after us asterne) that wee could not stirre backward nor
forward ; but so lay imbayed fourteene dales in worse ice
then ever wee met to deale withall, for we had beene where
there was greater store, but it was not so broad upon the
water as this; for this floting ice contained miles and halfe
miles in compasse, where we had a deepe sea, and a tide of
flood and ebbe, Avhich set north-west and south-east. Heere
Robert Juet would have gone to the north-west, but Robert
Billet was confident to go through to the north-east, which

iiandl ^^^ ^^^- ^^ ^^^^' being cleere of this ice, he continued his
course in sight of the eastcrne shore till he rayscd foure
islands, which lay north and south ; but we passed them
sixe or seven leagues, the wind tooke us so short. Then
wee stood backc to them againe, and came to an anchor
bctweenc two of the most northernmost. AVe sent the boat
ashoarc, to sec if there were any thing there to be had, but
found nothing but cockle-grasse, M'hercof tlu^y gathered
1 I'rubably not far from rortluiul roiiit, ,08° 50' N., 7!)" W.

WRITTEN BY AI5ACUK PRICKETT. 125

store, and so returned aboord. Before we came to tliis place,
I might well see that I was kept in the ship against Ilcnry
Greenes mindc, because I did not favour their proceedings
better than I did. Then hee began (very subtilly) to drawe
me to take upon me to search for those things which him-
selfe had stolne : and accused me of a matter no lesse then
treason amongst us, that I had deceived the company of
thirtie cakes of bread. Noav they beg^an to talke amongst pe wicked

•' <-' '^ flee where

themselves, that England was no safe place for them, and "uetu!'"'"
Henry Greene swore the shippe should not come into
any place (but keepe the sea still) till he had the kings
majesties hand and scale to shew for his safetie. They had
many devices in their heads, but Henry Greene in the end
was their captaine, and so called of them.

From these ilands we stood to the north-east and the
easter land still in sight : wee raysed those ilands, that our
master called Rumnies Ilands.^ Betweene these ilands and
the shallow ground, to the east of them, our master went
downe into the first great bay.^ We kept the east shoare
still in our sight, and comming thwart of the low land, wee
ranne on a rocke that lay under water, and strooke but once ;
for if shee had, we might have beene made inhabitants of
that place ; but God sent us soone off without any harme
that wee saw. Wee continued our course and raysed land
a head of us, which stretched out to the north : which when
they saw, they said plainly, that llobort Billet by his north-
erly course had left the capes to the south, and that they
were best to seeke downe to the south in time for reliefe
before all was gone; for we had small store left. But Robert
Billet would follow the land to the north, saying that he
hoped in God to find somewhat to rclceve us that way as

^ These islands are not marked on Hudson's chart ; they are, how-
ever, certainly near the mouth of Mosquito Bay. Perhaps some of the
islands near Cape Smith are meant.

^ Mosquito liay.

126 A LAltGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

soone as to the south. I told them that this land was the mayne
of Worsenhome Cajic, and that the shallow rockie ground
was the same that the master went downe by when he went
into the great bay. llobert Juet and all said it was not
possible, unlesse the master had brought the ship over land,
and willed them to looke into the masters card and their
course how well they did agree. We stood to the east and
left the mayne land to the north, by many small ilands into
a narrow gut betweene two lands, and there came to an
anchor.' The boat went ashoare on the north side, where
we found the great home, but nothing else. The next day
wee went to the south side, but found nothing there save
cockle grasse, of which we gatliercd. This grassc was a
great reliefe unto us, for without it we should hardly have got
to the capes for want of victuall. The Avind serving we
stood out, but before we could get cleane out the wind came
to the west, so that wc were constrayned to anchor on the
north side.

The next day, wee weighed and doubled the point of the
North Land, which is high land, and so continued to the
capes, lying north and south, some five-and-twentie or thirtie
leagues. To the north we stood to see store of those foulcs
that breed in the Capes, and to kill some with our shot, and
to fetch them with our boat. Wc raised the Capes with joy
and bare for them, and came to the ilands that lie in the
mouth of the strcight;^ but bearing in betweene the Rockie

^ They were near the eastern coast of the bay, and, as appears from the
statements on the next page, about twenty-five leagues (seventy-tive
roots) south of Cape Worstenhohne. But they themselves had entirely
lost their way. We see them groping about like children in a strange
place, trying to find some locality the features of which they remember.
The capes, that is to say Cape Worstenholme and Cape Diggs, were their
great hope. Their anxiety to reach them was so great, that they actually
were afraid they had passed them and were to the north of them, whilst
in reality they were more than a degree to the south of these capes.

'■^ The strait between Cape Worstenholme and Capo Diggs. The
islaads are those of the Diggs' Islands group.

WRITTEN RY ABACUK PRTCKETT. 127

lies, we ranne on a rocke that lay under water, and there a rocke.
stucke fast eight or nine houres. It was ebbing water when
we thus came on, so the floud set us afloat, God guiding
both wind and sea, that it was calme and faire weather : the
ebbe came from the east, and the floud from the west. When
wee were afloat wee stood more neere to the east shore, and xoie.
there anchored.

The next day, being the seven and UventietJi of July, we J"iy2~-
sent the boat to fetch some fowle, and the ship should way
and stand as neere as they could, /or the wind was against
us. They had a great way to row, and by that meanes they
could not reach to the place where the fowle bred ; but
found good store of gulls, yet hard to come by, on the rocks
and cliffes ; but with their peeces they killed some thirtie,
and towards night returned. Now wee had brought our
ship more neere to the mouth of the streights,^ and there
came to an anchor in eighteene or twentie fathom water,
upon a riffe or shelfe of ground ; which after they had
weighed their anchor, and stood more neere to the place
where the fowle bred,^ they could not find it againe, nor no
place like it : but were faine to turne to and fro in the
mouth of the streight, and to be in danger of rockes, because
they could not find ground to let fall an anchor in, the water
was so deepe.

The eight and twentieth day, the boat went to Digges his
Cape for fowle, and made directly for the place where the
fowle bred, and being neere, they saw seven boates come
about the easterne point towards them. When the savages savages.
saw our boate, they drew themselves together, and drew
their lesser boats into their bigger : and when they had done,
they came rowing to our boat, and made signes to the M'cst,
but they made readie for all assayes. The savages came to

^ The northern mouth of the strait.

^ The reader will rememher, that on their first visit to Cape Diggs,
they had found there an abundance of liirds and eggs.

128

A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

tlicm, and by signes grew familiar one with another, so as
our men tooke one of theirs into our boate, and they tooke
one of ours into their boate. Then they carried our man to
a cove where their tents stood towards the west of the place,
where the fowle bred : so they carried him into their tents,
where he remayned till our men returned with theirs. Our
boat went to the place where the fowle bred, and were
desirous to know how the savages killed their fowle : he
shewed them the manner how, Avhich was thus : they take
a long pole with a snare^ at the end, which they put about
the fowles necke, and so plucke them downe. When our
men knew that they had a better way of their owne, they
shewed him the use of our peeces, which at one shot would
kill seven or eight. To be short, our boat returned to their
cove for our man and to deliver theirs. When they came
they made great joy, with dancing, and leaping, and stroking
of their breasts : they offered divers things to our men, but
they only tooke some morses teeth, which they gave them
for a knife and two glasse buttons : and so receiving our
man they came aboard, much rejoicing at this chance, as if
they had met with the most simple and kind peof)le of the
world.

And Henry Greene (more then the rest) was so confident,
that (by no meanes) we should take care to stand on our
guard : God blinding him so, that where hee made reckon-
ing to receive great matters from these people, he received
more then he looked for, and that suddenly, by being made
a good example for all men : that make no conscience of
doing evill, and that we take heed of the savage people,
how simple soever they secme to be.

The next day, the nine and tivetttieth of July, they made
haste to be ashoare,' and because the ship rid too farre off,

^ A iioosc. This method of the Hudson's Bay Esciuimaux, of catchiug
birds with a sort of hisso, has, the editor beUeves, not been mcutioned
by any other voyager in these regions.

" On Oape Diggs' Island.

WRITTEN BY AHACUK PRICKETT. 129

they weighed and stood as ncere to the place ■where the
fowle hred as they could ; and l^ecause I was lame T was to
go in the boat, to carry such things as I had in the cabbin, of
every thing somewhat ; and so, with more haste then good
speed (and not without swearing) away we went, Henry
Greene, William Wilson, John Thomas, Michael Perse,
Andrew Moter, and my selfe. When we came neere the
shoare, the people were on the hils dancing and leaping : to
the cove we came, where they had drawne up their boatcs :
wee brought our boate to the east side of the cove, close to
the rockes. Ashoare they went, and made fast the boat to a
great stone on the shoare ; the people came, and every one
had somewhat in his hand to barter ; but Henry Greene
swore they should have nothing till he had venison, for they
had so promised him by signes.

Now when we came, they made signes to their dog^es savages

'J o on dogges.

(whereof there were many like mongrels, as bigge as
hounds), and pointed to their mountaine and to the sunne,
clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, John Tliomas,
and William Wilson stood hard by the boate head, Michael
Perse and Andrew Moter were got up upon the rock a savages

o 1 i. trechene.

gathering of sorrell ; not one of them had any weapon about
him, not so much as a sticke, save Henry Greene only, who
had a piece of a pike in his hand : nor saw I any tldng that
they had wherewith to hurt us. Henry Greene and William
Wilson had looking-glasses, and Jewes trumps,' and bels,
which they were shewing the people. The savages standing
round about them, one of them came into the boats head to
me to shew me a bottle : I made signes to him to get him
ashoare, but he made as though he had not understood me,
whereu2:)on I stood up and pointed him ashoare. In the
meane-time another stole behind me to the sterne of the
boat, and when I saw him ashoare that was in the head of
the boat I sate downe againe, but suddenly I saw the legge
^ .Jew's harps.

130 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

and foote of a man by mcc. AVhcrcfore I cast up my head,
and saw the savage with his knife in his hand, who strooke
at my breast over my head : I cast up my right arme to save
my brest, he wounded my arme, and strooke me into the
bodie under my right pappe. He strooke a second blow,
which I met with my left hand, and then he strooke me
into the right thigh, and had like to have cut off my little
finger of the left hand. Now I had got hold of the string
of the knife, and had woond it about my left hand, he
striving with both his hands to make an end of that he had
begune : I found him but weake in the gripe (God enabling
me), and getting hold of the sleeve of his left arme, so bare
him from me. His left side lay bare to me, which when I
saw, I put his sleeve off his left arme into my left hand,
holding the string of the knife fast in the same hand ; and
having got my right hand at liberty, I sought for somewhat
wherewith to strike him (not remembring my dagger at my
side), but looking downe I saw it, and therewith strooke
him into the bodie and the throate.

Whiles I was thus assaulted in the boat, our men were
set upon on the shoare. John Thomas and A^'illiam Wilson
had their bowels cut, and Michael Perse and Henry Greene,
being mortally wounded, came tumbling into the boat to-
gether. When Andrew Motor saw this medley, hee came
running downe the rockes, and leaped into the sea, and so
swamme to the boat, hanging on the sterne thereof, till
Michael Perse took him in, who manfully made good the
head of the boat against the savages, that pressed sore upon
us. Now Michael Perse had got an hatchet, wherewith I
saw him strike one of them, that he lay sprawling in the sea.
Henry Greene crieth Coragio, and laycth about him with
his truncheon. I cryed to them to cleere the boat, and
Andrew Motor cryed to bee taken in. The savages bctooke
them to their bowes and arroMCs, which they sent amongst
us, wherewith Henry Greene was slaine outright, and

WRITTEN BY ABACUK I'RICKETT. 131

Michael Perse received many wounds, and so did the rest.
Michael Perse cleereth the boate, and puts it from the
shoare, and helpeth Andrew Moter in ; but in turning of
the boat I received a cruell wound in my backe with an
arrow. Michael Perse and Andrew Motor rowed the boate
away, which, when the savages saw, they ranne to their
boats, and I feared they would have launched them to have
followed us, but they did not, and our ship was in the
middle of the channell and could not see us.

Now, when they had rowed a good way from the shoare,
Michael Perse fainted, and could row no more. Then was
Andrew Moter driven to stand in the boat head, and waft
to the ship, which at the first saw us not, and when they
did they could not tell what to make of us, but in the end
they stood for us, and so tooke us up. Henry Greene was
throwne out of the boat into the sea, and the rest were had
aboard, the savage being yet alive, yet Avithout sense. But
they died all there that day, William Wilson swearinoj and kicked and

•' "^ ' O wretched

cursing in most fearefull manner. Michael Perse lived ^"etched
two dayes after, and then died. Thus you have heard the "'^ '^ ^^^'
tragicall end of Henry Greene and his mates, whom they
called captaine, these foure being the only lustie men in all
the ship.

The poore number that was left were to ply our ship to
and fro in the mouth of the streight,^ for there was no place
to anchor in neere hand. Besides, they were to go in the
boate to kill fowle to bring us home, which they did, al-
though with danger to us all. For if the wind blew there
was an high sea, and the eddies of the tydes would carrie
the ship so neere the rockes as it feared our master, for so I
will now call him. After they had killed some two hundred
fowle, with great labour, on the south cape, wee stood to

^ The strait between Cape Worstenholme and Cape Diggs, in the
neighbourhood of which the scenes just related by Pricket took place.
'^ Cape Diggs.

132 A LARGEK DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

the cast, but when wee were sixe or seven leagues from the
capes, the wind came up at east. Then wee stood backe to
the capes again, and killed an hundred fowle more. After
tliis the wind came to the west, so wee were driven to goe
away, and then our master stood (for the most) along by the
north shoare, till he fell into broken ground about the
Queen's Foreland,^ and there anchored. From thence wee
went to God's Mercies, and from thence to E.ose Ilands,^
which lye in the mouth of our streight, not seeing the land
till we were readie to runne our bosprite against the rockes
in a fogge. But it cleered a little, and then we might see
our selves inclosed wdth rockie ilands, and could find uo
ground to anchor in. There our master lay a trie all night,
and the next day, the fogge continuing, they sought for
ground to anchor in, and found some in an hundred and
odde fathomes of water. The next day we weighed and
stood to the east, but before wee came heere we had put our-
selves to hard allowance, as halfe a foule a day with the
pottage, for yet we had some meale left and nothing else.
Then they beganne to make triall of all whatsoever. "Wee
Miseriopur- liatl flayed our fowle, for they will not i)ull, and Robert
rest. Juet was the first that made use of the skins by burning of

the feathers ; so they became a great dish of meate, and as
for the garbidge, it Avas not thrown away.

After we were cleere of these ilands, which lie out with
two points, one to the south-east and the other to the north,
making a bay to the sight as if there were no way through,
Ave continued our course cast-south-cast and south and by
cast, to raise the Desolations,^ from thence to shape our

^ Queen's Cape, a headland of the northern shore of Hudson's Strait,
to the north of Salisbury Islands. This locality is, though very vaguely,
indicated on Hudson's chart, and is even now very inaccurately known,
so that it is not easy to fix the exact locality of the (^ui'e)i'g Foreland
of Pricket.

' Apparently some of the islands near Cape Chidicy, perhaps Killinek
and Kikkcrtorsoak.

•' The south-east coast of Greenland.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 133

course for Ireland. Thus wee continued divers dayes ; but
the wind comming against us made us to alter our course,
and by the meanes of Robert Juet, who perswaded the com-
pany that they should find great reliefe in Newfoundland if
our countrymen were there, and if they were gone before
we came yet should we find great store of bread and fish
left ashore by them ; but how true, I give God thankes we
did not trie. Yet we stood to the south-west and to the
west almost to fiftie seven degrees, when (by the will of God)
the Avinde came up at south-west. Then the master asked
me if he should take the benefit of this wind, and shape his
course for Ireland. I said it was best to goe where we knew
corne grew, and not to seeke it Avhere it was cast away and
not to be found. Towards Ireland now wee stood, with
prosperous winds for many dayes together. Then was all
our meale spent, and our fowle restie and dry ; but (being
no remedie) we were content with the salt broth for dinner
and the halfe fowle for supper. Now went our candles
to vvracke, and Bennet, our cooke, made a messe of meate Poore diet.
of the bones of the fowle, frying them with candle grease
till they were crispe, and, with vineger put to them, made
a good dish of meate. Our vineger was shared, and to every
man a pound of candles delivered for a weeke, as a great
daintie. Now Robert Juet (by his reckoning) saith wee
were within sixtie or seventie leagues of Ireland, when wee
had two hundred thither. And sure our course was so
much the longer through our evill steeredge, for our men
became so weake that they could not stand at the helme,
but were faine to sit.

Then Robert Juet dyed for meere want, and all our men jjo^;^^
were in despaire, and said wee were past Ireland, and our death.
last fowle were in the steep tub. So our men cared not
which end went forward, insomuch as our master was driven
to looke to their labour as well as his owne ; for some of
them would sit and see the fore saylc or mayne sayle flic up

Ireland.

134 A LARGER DISCOURSE, ETC.

to the tops, the sheets being cither flowne or broken, and
would not hclpe it themselves nor call to others for helpe,
which much grieved the master. Now in this extremitie it
pleased God to give us sight of land, not farre from the
place our master said he would fall withall, which was the
bay of Galloway,' and we fell to the west of the Derses,' and
so stood along by the coast to the south-west. In the end there
was a joyful cry, a sayle, a sayle, towards which they stood.
Then they saw more, but to the neerest wee stood, and called
A sayle of to him ; his bark was of Fowy,^ and was at anchor a fishing.

Fowy. _

}]"'^ . He came to us, and brought us into Bere Haven.* Here we

Haven in ' o

stayed a few dayes, and delt with the Irish to supply our
wants, but found no reliefe, for in this place there was
neither bread, drinke, nor mony to be had amongst them.
Wherefore they advised us to deale with our countrymen
who were there a fishing, which we did, but found them so
cold in kindnesse that they would doe nothing without pre-
sent money, whereof we had none in the ship. In the end
we procured one John Waymouth, master of the barque that
brought us into this harbour, to furnish us with money,
which hee did, and received our best cable and anchor in
pawne for the same. With this money our master, with the
help of John Waymouth, bought bread, beere, and bcefe.

Now, as wee were beholding to Waymouth for his money,
so were wee to one Captaine Taylor for making of our con-
tracts with Waymouth, by whose meancs hee tookc a bill
for our cable and anchor and for the men's wages, who
would not go with us unless Waymouth would passe his
word for the same : for they made show that they were not
willing to goe Avith us for any wages. Whereupon Captaine
Taylor swore he would presse them, and then, if they would
not goe, hee would hang them.

In conclusion, wee agreed for three pound ten shil-

^ Galway. '■^ Dursey Island, near the south-west coast of Ireland,

^ Fowcy, in Cornwall. ' Beer Haven, south-west coast of Ireland.

MASTER SAMUEL MACHINS LETTER. 135

lings a man to bring our ship to riimonth or Dartmonth,
and to give the pilot five pound ; but if the winde did not
serve, but that they were driven to put into Bristow, they
were to have foure pound ten shillings a man, and the pilot
sixe pound. Omitting therefore further circumstances, from
Bere Haven wee came to Plimouth, and so to an anchor a''?*i^''""
before the castle ; and from Plimouth, with faire winde and '"°"
weather without stop or stay, wee came to the Downes, from
thence to Gravesend, where most of our men went a shoare,
and from thence came on this side Erith, and there stopped :
wdiere our master Robert Billet came aboord, and so had
mee up to London with him, and so wee came to Sir Thomas
Smiths together.

Forasmuch as this report of Pricket may happely bee
suspected by some, as not so friendly to Hudson, who re-
turned with that companie which had so cruelly exposed
Hudson and his, and therefore may seeme to lay heavier
imputation, and rip up occasions further then they will
beleeve, I have also added the report of Thomas Wydhouse,
one of the exposed companie, who ascribeth those occasions
of discord to Juet. I take not on mee to sentence, no not to
examine ; I have presented the evidence just as I had it ;
let the bench censure, hearing with both eares, that which
with both eyes they may see in those and these notes ; to
which I have first prefixed his letter to Master Samuel
Macham.

Master Macham, I heartily commend mee unto you, etc.
I can write unto you no newes, though I have scene much,
but such as every English fisherman haunting these coasts
can report better then my selfe.

Wee kept our Whitsunday in the north-east end of Island,i
^ Iceland.

136 A NOTE FOUND IN THE DESK

and I thinke I never fared better in England then wee
feasted there. They of the countrey are very poore, and
live miserably, yet we found therein store of fresh fish and
daintie fowle. I my selfe in an aftcrnoone killed so much
iiiiiiders fowle as fcastcd all our company, beini^ three and twentie

poore. _ . .

persons, at one time, oncly with partridges, besides curlue,
plover, mallard, teale, and goose. I have scene two hot
bathes in Island, and have beene in one of them. AYee are
resolved to trie the uttermost, and lye onely expecting a faire
winde, and to refresh ourselves to avoid the ice, which now
Thecauseof |g come off the west coasts, of which we have seene whole

their stay at '

Island. islands, but God bee thanked, have not beene in danger of
any. Thus I desire all your prayers for us.
From Islandj this thirtieth of May, 1610.

A NOTE FOUND IN THE DESKE OF
THOMAS WYDOWSE,

STDDENT IN THE MATHEMATICKES, HEE BEING ONE OF THE3I WHO WAS TIT
INTO THE SHALLOP.

The teyith day of September, 1610, after dinner, our master
called all the companie together, to heare and beare wit-
nesse of the abuse of some of the companie (it having beene
the request of Robert Juct) that the master should redresse
some abuses and slanders, as hee called them, against this
Juet : which thing after the master had examined and heard
with equitie what hee could say for himselfe, there were
proovcd so many and great abuses, and mutinous matters
against the master, and action by Juet, tliat there Avas danger
to have suffered them longer : and it was fit time to punish
and cut off farther occasions of the like mutinies.

It Avas proovcd to his face, first with Bennet Mathcw, our

OF THOMAS WiDHOUSE. 137

trumpet, upon our first sight of Island,' and he confcst, that
hee supposed that in the action woukl bee manslaughter,
and prove bloodie to some.

Secondly, at our comming from Island, in hearing of the
companie, hee did threaten to turne the head of the ship
home from the action, which at that time was by our master
wisely pacified, hoping of amendment.

Thirdly, it was deposed by Philip StafFe, our carpenter,
and Ladlie Arnold," to his face upon the holy bible, that hee
pers waded them to keepe muskets charged, and swords
readie in their cabbins, for they should be charged with shot
ere the voyage were over.

Fourthly, wee being pestered in the ice, hee had used
words tending to mutinie, discouragement, and slander of
the action, which easily took effect in those that were
timourous ; and had not the master in time prevented, it
might easily have overthrowne the voyage : and now lately
being imbayed in a deepe bay, which the master had desire
to see, for some reasons to himselfe knowne, his word tended
altogether to put the companie into a fray of extremitie, by
wintering in cold. Jesting at our masters hope to see Ban-
tam by Candlemasse.

For these and divers other base slanders against the master
hee was deposed, and Robert Bylot, who had shewed himselfe
honestly respecting the good of the action, was placed in his
stead the masters mate.

Also Francis Clement, the boatson, at this time was put
from his office, and William Wilson, a man thought more
fit, preferred to his place. This man had basely carryed
himselfe to our master and to the action.

Also Adrian Mooter was appointed boatsons mate, and a

promise by the master, that from this day Juets wages should

remaine to Bylot, and the boatsons overplus of wages should

be equally divided betweene Wilson and one John King,

^ Iceland. ^ Arnold Ludlow, or Lodlo.

138 A NOTE FOUND IN THE DESK, ETC.

to the owners good liking, one of the quarter masters, who
had very well carryed themselves to the furtherance of the
businesse.

Also the master promised, if the offenders yet behaved
themselves henceforth honestly, hee would bee a meanes for
their good, and that hee would forget injuries, with other
admonitions.

These things thus premised touching Hudsons exposing,
and God's just judgments on the exposers, as Pricket hath
related (whom they reserved, as is thought, in hope by Sir
Dudley Digges his master to procure their pardon at their
returne), I thought good to adde that which I have fur-
ther received from good intelligence, that the ship com-
ming aground at Digges Island, in 63 degrees 44} minutes,
a great flood came from the west and set them on floate :
an argument of an open passage from the South Sea to that,
and consequently to these seas. The weapons and arts
which they saw, beyond those of other savages, are argu-
ments hereof. Hee which assaulted Pricket in the boate,
had a weapon broad and sharpe indented, of bright Steele
(such as they use in Java), riveted into a handle of morse
tooth.

' The latitude assigned by Wj'dhouse to Diggs' Island is incorrect,
at least as regards the Diggs' Island of Hudson, wliich is undoubtedly
opposite to, and therefore nearly in the same latitude as Cape Worsten-
holme (62° 25'). It is impossible to ascertain how the mistake arose.
But it is curious to observe that this mistake, by which Cape Diggs is
placed so much too far north, is of an opposite nature to that com-
mitted by Hudson himself with regard to Cape Farewell, which he places
several minutes too far south. Wydhouse's mistake has undoubtedly
intlucnced the opinion of modern map makers, who invariably place
Diggs' Island too far north-west, or rather give that name to an island
to which it did not originally belong.

139

PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMAGE.

FOL., LOND., 1626, 817.
VI.

OF HUDSON'S DISCOVERIES AND DEATH.

Henry Hudson, 1607, discovered further north toward the
pole, then, perhaps, any before him. He found himselfe in
80 degrees, 23 minutes, where they felt it hot, and dranke
water to coole their thirst. They saw land (as they thought)
to 82, and further on the shore they had snow, morses teeth,
deeres homes, whale-bones, and footing of other beasts,
with a streame of fresh water. The next yeere, 1608, he
set forth on a discovery to the north-east, at which time
they met, as both himselfe and Juet have testified, a mer-
maid in the sea, scene by Thomas Hils and Robert Rainer.
Another voyage he made, 1609, and coasted Newfoundland,
and thence along to Cape Cod. His last and fatall voyage
was 1610, which I mentioned in my former edition,' relating
the same as Hesselius Gerardus had guided me, by his card
and reports, who affirmeth that he followed the way which
Captaine Winwood had before searched by Lumleys Inlet,
in 61 degrees, so passing thorow the strait to 50, etc. But Hecom-

muiiicated

having since met with better instructions, both by the helpe ^°^^ ""'•

C '' J L anus ah.

SOUS ab-

Th.

ouse,

of my painfull friend Master Hakluit (to whose labours ly'^l^l^
these of mine are so much indebted), and specially from rrrck"et, of
him who was a speciall setter forth of the voyage, that ''^^°^*^®*

^ Purchas Pilgrimage, fol., Lond., 1617, contains an account of Hud-
son's voyages entirely founded on the 1612 edition of Hessel Gerrifcsz's
Detectio freti.

140 OF Hudson's discoveries and death.

learned and industrious gentleman Sir Dudley Digges (how
willingly could I here lose my selfe in a parenthesis of due
praises ! to whom these studies have seemed to descend by
inheritance in divers descents, improved by proper industry,
employed to publike good both at home and in discoveries
and plantations abroad, and for my particular ! but why
should I use words, unequall pay to him, unequall stay to
thee ?) from him, I say, so great a furtherer of the north-
west discoverie, and of your discoverer the poore Pilgrim
and his pilgrimage, having received full relations, I have
beene bold with the reader to insert this voyage more
largely.

Imilh"' ^^ ^^^ yeare 1610, Sir Tho. Smith, Sir Dudley Digges,

and Master John Wostenholme, with other their friends, fur-
nished out the said Henry Hudson, to try if, through any
of those inlets which Davis saw but durst not enter, on the
wcsterne side of Fretum Davis, any passage might be found
to the other ocean called the South Sea. There barke was
named the Discoverie. They passed by Island, and saw
Mount Hecla cast out fire (a noted signe of foule weather
towards ; others conceive themselves and deceive others
with I know not what purgatorie fables hereof confuted by

A.ao. ciy- Arn^rin Jonas, an Islander, who reproveth this and many
other dreames related by authors, saying, that from the
yeere 1558 to 1592 it never cast forth any flames) they left
the name to one harbour in Island, Lousy Bay : they had
there a bath hot enough to scald a fowle. They raised Gron-
land the fourth of June, and Desolation after that; whence
they plyed north-Avest among Hands of ice, whereon they
might runne and play, and filled sweet water out of ponds
therein: some of them aground in sixc or seven score fadome
water, and on divers of them bcarcs and patriches. They

^ Extracts of Arngrim Jonas, an Islantlcr, his Chrymogaja or Ilistorie
of Island, published anno Domini IIJOO. — Furc/ias Pilgrims, iii, p. Go4-
051).

OF hudsom's discovekies and death. 141

gave names to certaine ilands, of Gods mercy, Prince Hen-
ries Forland, K. James his Cape, Q. Annes Cape. One
morning, in a fogge, they were carried by a set of the tide
from N.E. into one of the inlets above mentioned, the depth
whereof and plying forward of the ice made Hudson hope
it would prove a through-fare. After he had sailed herein
by his computation 300 leagues west, he came to a small
strait of two leagues over, and very deepe water, through
which he passed betweene two headlands, which he called,
that on the south Cape Wostenholme, the other to the N.W.
Digges Hand, in deg. 62, 44' minutes, into a spacious sea,
wherein he sayled above a hundred leagues south, confi-
dently proud that he had won the passage.

But findinar at lenj^th by shole water that he was embayed, Hutisons

!D o J J ' Wintering.

he was much distracted therewith, and committed many
errours, especially in resolving to winter in that desolate
place, in such want of necessarie provision. The third of
Nox)ember he moored his barke in a small cove, where they
had all undoubtedly perished, but that it pleased God to
send them several kinds of fowle : they killed of white
patridges above a hundred and twentie dozen. These left
them at the spring, and other succeeded in their place,
swan, goose, teale, ducke, all easie to take ; besides the bless-
ing of a tree, which in December blossomed, with leaves a strange

" _ race.

greene and yellow, of an aromaticall savour, and being
boyled yeelded an oyly substance, which proved an excel-
lent salve, and the decoction being drunke proved as whole-
some a potion, whereby they were cured of the scorbute,
sciaticas, crampes, convulsions, and other diseases, which the
coldnesse of the climate bred in them. At the opening of
the yeere also, there came to his ships side such abundance
of fish of all sorts, that they might therewith have fraught
themselves for their returne, if Hudson had not too despe
lately pursued the voyage, neglecting this oportunitic of
^ See note to page 138.

142 OF Hudson's discoveries and death.

storing themselves with fish, which hee committed to the
care of certaine carelesse dissolute villaincs, which in his
absence conspired against him ; in few dayes the fish all for-
sooke them. Once a savage visited them, who for a knife,
glasse, and beades given him, returned with bevers skins,
deercs skins, and a sled. At Hudsons returne, they set sayle
for England. But in a few dayes, their victuals being almost
spent, and hee, out of his despaire, letting fall some words of
setting some on shore, the former conspirators (the chiefe
whereof was Hen. Greene, none of their allowed company.
These were but taken in bv Hudson himselfe : and one Wilson) entred

the worst, or •'

thTcom-"*^ his cabin in the night, and forced him the master, together
P'"'^'- with his Sonne John Hudson, Tho, Widowes,^ Arn. Ludlo,

Sidrach Faner, Ad. Moore, Hen. King, Mic. Bute, to take
shallop and seeke their fortune. But see what sinceritie can
doe in the most desperate tryals. One Philip Staffe, an
Ipswich man, who, according to his name, had beene a prin-
ci2:)all stafFe and stay to the weaker and more enfeebled
courages of his companions in the whole action, lighten-
ing and unlightening their drooping darkened spirits, with
sparkes from his owne resolution ; their best purveyor, with
his peece on shore, and both a skilfull carpenter and lusty
mariner on board ; when he could by no perswasions, sea-
soned with tears, divert them from their divellish desisrnes,
notwithstanding they entreated him to stay with them, yet
chose rather to commit himselfe to Gods mercy in the for-
lorne shallop, then with such villaines to accept of likelier
hopes.

A few dayes after, their victuals being spent, the ship

came aground at Digges Hand, and so continued divers

^^^^j houres, till a great floud (which they by this accident tookc

'^'"'"/i'lrry ^^^t noticc of) camo from the westNvard and set them on

west
probuhle

arnuiVeiJi flotc. Upoii thc cliffcs of tliis Ishiud they found aboundance
piiHSHKo III of fowles tame, whereof they tooke two or three hundred,

tho South

' Woodliousc, or Wydhousc, or Wytlowcs.

OF Hudson's discoveries and death. 143

and seeinar a s^reat lonar boat with forty or fifty sava";es upon ^'''^< ""'' ""
the shore, they sent on land ; and for some of their toycs a,','i'art'|;
had deeres skinnes well dressed, morse-teeth, and some few VJ/omi'^'^

111' r """'■"

furres. One of our men went on land to their tents, one oi savages.
them remaining for hostage, in which tents they lived by
hoords, men, women, and children ; they are bigge boned,
broad faced, flat nosed, and small footed, like the Tartars :
their apparell of skinnes, but wrought all very handsomely,
even gloves and shooes. The next morning Greene would
needs goe on shore with some of hi^ chiefe companions, and
that unarmed, notwithstanding some advised and intreated
him the contrary. The savages entertained him with a cun-
ning ambush, and at the first onset shot this mutinous ring-
leader into the heart (where first those monsters of treache-
rie and bloodie crueltie, now payed with the like, had beene
conceivedj and Wilson, his brother in evil, had the like
bloody inheritance, dying swearing and cursing : Perse,
Thomas, and Motor dyed a few dayes after of their wounds.
Every where can Divine Justicee find executioners.

The boat, by Gods blessing, with some hurt men escaped legation of
in this manner. One Abacucks Pricket, a servant of Sir part\.'"my

T-viiT-v 1 1 • 11 I'l Pilgrimage,

Dudley Digges, whom the mutiners had saved in hope to with others

many for

procure his master to worke their pardon, was left to keepe these parts.

■*■ ■•■ ■'A such they

the shallop, where he sate in a gowne, sicke and lame, at "^® *° "'''^''*
the sterne : upon whom, at the instant of the ambush, the
leader of all the savages leapt from a rocke, and with a
strange kinde of weapon, indented, broad, and sharpe, of
bright Steele, riveted into a handle of morse-tooth, gave him
divers cruell wounds, before he could from under his gowne
draw a small Scottish dagger, wherewith at one thrust into
his side he killed this savage, and brought him off with the
boat, and some of the hurt company that got to him by swim-
ming. Being got aboord with a small weake and wounded
company, they made from this island unto the northerne
continent, where they saw a large opening of the sea north-

144 OF Hudson's discoveries and dkatii.

westward, and had a great floud, with such a large billow,
as they say, is no where but in the ocean. From hence
they made all possible haste homewards, passing the whole
straits, and so home, without ever striking sayle or any other
let, which might easily have made it impossible. For their
best sustenance left them was sea-weeds fryed with candles
ends, and the skins of the fowles they had eaten. Some of
their men were starved, the rest all so weake, that onely one
could lye along upon the helme and steere. By God's great
goodnesse, the sixth of September 1611, they met with a
fisherman of Foy, by whose meanes they came safe into
England.

145

HUDSON'S FIRST VOYAGE, (1007).

FUOit edge's I5UIEF DISCOUERIE OF THE MTrSCOUI,V
MERCHANTS.

(puRCiiAs, III, P. 464.)

In the year 1008,^ the said fellowship set forth a ship called
the Hope-well, whereof Henry Hudson was master, to dis-
cover the pole ; where it appeareth by his journap that hee
came to the height of, eighty-one degrees, where he gave
names to certayue places upon the continent of Greenland
formerly discovered, which continue to this day, namely.
Whale Bay^ and Hakluyt's Headland ;■* and being hindred
with ice, returned home, without any further use made of
the country, and in ranging homewards he discovered an

^ The real date of the voyage to Spitzbergen is 1007. That of IGOS
was directed to Nova Zembla.

^ The log-book of the first voyage, which forms pp. l-:i2of the present
volume, is ascribed by Purchas partly to John Playse, partly to Hudson.
According to a side-note on p. 12, Purchas thinks that the notes from
the 11th of July down to the end seem to be due to Hudson. The log-
book contains, however, no mention of Hakluyt's Headland nor of Hud-
son's Tutches, both mentioned in the journal which Edge saw. The
observation about the distance from Greenland to Spitzbergen, derived
by Fotherby from the same journal, is likewise not to be met with in
the log-book.

* The naming of Whale Bay is not mentioned in the log-book. The
bay is, however, spoken of as Whalers Bay on p. 20. A description is to
be found on p. 14, from which it appears that the bay is near Collins'
Cape, somewhere about the north-west extremity of Spitzbergen, not far
from 80°. Hudson saw there many whales, and lost part of his line in
fishing for one. That same whale nearly upset his ship. This occur-
rence is alluded to on p. 20.

■* Hakluyt's Headland appears on all the ancient maps of Spitzbergen;

146 Hudson's first yoyagk.

island lying in scventy-onc degrees, Avhich he named Hud-
son's Tutches.'

CAPTAIN FOTHERBY'S STATEMENT CONCERNING
HUDSON'S JOURNAL OF HIS FIRST VOYAGE.

(PURCHAS, III, P. 730.)

Having perused Hudson's journall, writ by his own hands,
in that voyage wherein he had sight of certayne land, which
he named Hold-with-Hope," I found that by his owne reckon-
ing it should not be more than one hundred leagues from
King James his Newland,^ and in latitude 72° 30'.

for the first time on that of the arctic regions, of Jodocus Hondius, in-
cluded in the present collection. Still it is impossible to fix the exact
locality. The headland is very near Collins' Cape and Whales' Bay, but
still farther north-west. Modern maps place it on the north-west extre-
mity of Spitzbergen, on the mainland, or on some one of the neighbour-
ing islands.

1 A direct clue to this important discovery is not furnished by the
logbook. It contains no detailed entry between the ship's departure
from Bear Island (74° 30' N., 19° E.), and its arrival at the Faroer Islands
in 62°. Still there can hardly be any doubt about the fact, that Hud-
sol's Touches is identical with the Jan Mayen Island of our maps
(71° 20' N., 19° W.) The number of European islands in latitude 71°
is very small. Those to the north of Norway were too well known in
Hudson's time to be mentioned as new discoveries, even had he touched
one of them ; but they are many degrees too far east to fall into his track.
Then only Jan Mayen remained. To touch it Hudson must have sailed
rather more to the west than was necessary. His purpose in doing so is,
however, explained by his observations on p. 20. (See the passage to
which note 1 on that page refers.)

^ According to the logbook (p. G) the latitude is 73°.

'' Spitzbergen. The logbook contains no calculations, like the one indi-
cated here, as forming part of Hudson's journal.

147

HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE (1609).

FROM VAN METEREN's IIISTOKTE DER NEDERLANDEN.
FOL., HAGUE, 1614, FOL. 629. a.

We have observed in our last book, that the Directors of
the Dutch East India Company sent out in March last year,
on purpose to seek a passage to China by northeast or north-
west, an experienced English pilot, named Henry Hudson,
in a vlie boat,i having a crew of eighteen or twenty hands,
partly English, partly Dutch.'

This Henry Hudson left the Texel the 6th of April,^
1609, and having doubled the Cape of Norway* the 5th of

Wy hebben in t voorgaende Beech gheseyt dat de Oost-Indische
Bewindthebbers in Hollandt, in Meerte lest uytghesonden hadden
cm passagie by bet Noordt-oosten ofte Noordt-westen te soecken
nae China, te weten een Kloeck Enghels Piloot Herry Hutson
gbenoemt, met eenen Vlieboot ontrent achthlen ofte twinticli
Mannen, Engelsclie ende Nederlanders op hebbende, wel besorcht.
Desen Herry Hutson is uyt Texel uyt-ghevaren den sesten April
1609. ende by dubbelde de Cabo van Norwegben den vij'fden Mey,

^ Vlie boats were rather flat bottomed yachts, constructed for the
difiicult navigation of the sandy entrance to the Zuyder Zee, between
the islands of Vlieland and Texel, called the Vlie. These vessels and
even their name were imitated by the English, who called them fly-boats,
and by the French, who called them fliUes. (Compare Brodhead, Uist.
of Neiv York, pp. 23, 24, note.)

^ There is no such notice in the preceding book of Van Meteren.

^ This is new style. Juet (p. 4.5) says that they sailed from the Texel
on the 27th of March. The difi'erence between the two styles was, in
1609, ten days. Thus the 27th of March and the 6th of April are iden-
tical.

•* The North Cape. (Juet, p. 45.)

148 Hudson's third voyage.

May, directed his course along the northern coasts towards
Nova ZcmbLa ; but he there found the sea as full of ice as
he had found it in the preceding year, so that he lost the
hope of effecting anything during the season. This cir-
cumstance, and the cold which some of his men who had
been in the East Indies could not bear, caused quarrels
among the crew, they being partly English, partly Dutch;
upon which the captain, Henry Hudson, laid before them
two propositions ; the first of these was, to go to the coast of
America to the latitude of 40°. This idea had been suggested
to him by some letters and maps which his friend Capt. Smith
had sent him from Virginia,^ and by which he informed him
that there was a sea leading into the western ocean, by the
north of the southern English colony. Had this information
been true (experience goes as yet to the contrary), it would
have been of great advantage, as indicating a short M-ay to
India. The other proposition was, to direct their search to

cndc hielt sijnen cours na Nova Zcmbla laughs dc Xoortschc Kus-
ten, maer vondt aldaer de Zee soo vol ijs, als hy 't voovgaende
Jaer ghevonden hadde, soo dat sy de hoope van dat Jaer aldaer den
moet verloren : waer over cm de koude, die eenighe die \\e\ in
Oost-Indien gheweest waren, qualijck herduren Konden, zijn sy
twistigh gheworden onder den anderen, zijnde Enghelsche endc
Nederlanders, waer over de Schipper Hutson hun voor hiel twee
dinghen, d' eerste was te gaen op veertigh graden na dc custen
van America, hier toe meest beweeght zijnde, door Brieven cndc
Cacrten, die een Capiteyn Smit hem uyt Virginia ghesondcn
hadde, dacr mede hy hem acnwccs ecu Zee, om tc vai on Inui
Zuytschc Colonic acnde Noordt-zijde, cndc van dacr tc gaen in ecu
Wcsterlijckc Zee dat wclckc soo alsoo gheweest ware, (alsoo de
crvarcnthcyt tot noch toe contraric wijst,) soo sonde hct ecu sccr
vorderlijcke saeckc gheweest hcbben, ende ecncn korten wegh om
inde Indicn tc vacrcn. Den anderen voorslagh was, den wegh te

' The probable nature of these maps will be explained in the intro-
duction.

HUUSOIS'S TFIIRD VOYAGE. 149

Davis's Straits. This meeting with general approval, they
sailed on the 14th of May,' and arrived with a good wind at the
Faroe Islands, where they stopped but twenty-four hours to
supply themselves with fresh* water. After leaving these
islands, they sailed on till, on the 18th of July, they reached
the coast of Nova Francia, under 44°, where they were
obliged to land for the purpose of getting a new foremast,
having lost theirs. They found this a good place for cod-
fishing, as also for the traffic in skins and furs, which were
to be got there at a very low price. But the crew behaved
badly towards the people of the country, taking their
property by force ; out of which there arose quarrels among
them.' The English fearing that they would be out-num-

soecken door de strate Davis, dat wclcke sy Generalijcken besloten,
dies sy den 14 Meye derwaerts toe zeylden, ende quamen met
goeden Windt den lesten Meye, aent Eylandt van Faro, dacr sy
alleenlijck vieren-twintigh uren ovcrbrochten, met versche Water
in te nemen, vertveckende voeren sy totten 18 Julij tot op de Cus-
ten van Nova Francia, op vier en veertich graden, daer sy moesten
inloopen, om eenen nieuwen voor-mast te bekomen, den haren
verlooren hobbende, die sy daer vonden ende opstelden, sy von-
den die plaetse bequaem om Cabbeliaeu te vanghen, als cock
om Traffique, van goede Huyden ende Pelsen, ofte weyeringhe
dat aldaer om een kleyn dinghen te bekomen was, maer het
schipvolck leefden qualijck mettet landt-volck, dinghen met ghe-
weldt nemende, waer over sy twistigh onder den anderen werden,
de Enghelsche vreesende dat sy vermandt waren ende weeckste,

1 Juet has purposely omitted all statements concerning the voyage
from the North Cape to Nova Zembia, and back to the North Cape.
There is no entry between the 5th and the 19th of May. For the im-
portant events which passed in the interval, Van Meteren is the only
authority.

^ Near Pennobscot Bay, Juet, pp. GO, Gl. Juet tries to justify the
conduct of the crew, saying that they distrusted the savages, and that in
robbing them and firing at them, they did so as the savages would have
done to them.

150 Hudson's third voyage.

bcrcd and worsted, were therefore afraid to make any fur-
ther attempt. They left that place on the 26th of July, and
kept out at sea till the 3rd of August, when they were again
near the eoast in 42° of latitude. Thence they sailed on till,
on the 12th of August, they reached the shore under 37° 45'.
Thence they sailed along the shore, until we (sic) reached
40° 45', where they found a good entrance, between two
headlands, and thus entered on the 12th of September, into
as fine a river as can be found, with good anchoring ground
on both sides.

Their ship sailed up the river as far as 42° 40'. Then
their boat went higher up. Along the river they found sen-
sible and warlike people; whilst in the highest part the people
were more friendly, and had an abundance of provisions,
skins, and furs, of martens and foxes, and many other
commodities, as birds and fruit ; even white and red grapes.
These Indians traded most amicably with the people from

ende daerommc vrecsden sy vorder te vcrsoecken, aldus schcydcn
sy van daer den 26 Julij, ende hielden de zee tot den derdcn
Augustij, ende quamen by landt op twee-en veerticli graden, van
daer voeren sy vorder tot den 12 Augustij, sy quamen weder by
landt, op de latitude van seven-en ertich drie quart, van daer
hielden sy by lant, tot dat wy quamen op veertich en drie quart
graden, aldaer sy vonden eenen goeden ingangh tusschen twee
hoofdcn, ende voeren dacrinne den 12 Septembris, een alsoo
schoonen Reviere als men konde vinden, wijdt ende diepe ende
goeden ancker grondt, ende was aen bey den zijden, eyndclijck
quamen sy op dc latitude van twce-en-vcertich graden, ende veertich
niinuten, met hun groot schip. Dan haer schips boot voer
hooirer indc Rcvicre. V^oor indc Rcvicrc vonden sy Kloeck ende
wcerbacr volck, macr binncn in t'uyterste vonden sy vricndelijck
ende bcleef't volck, die vcel lijftocht haddcn, ende vccl Vcllen ende
Pcltcrijcn, Macrtcns, Yosscn ende vccl andcr commoditcytcn, vog-
helcnvrucliten, sclvcWijn-druyvcn, witteendcroodc, endehandeldcn
bclccfdclijckcn mctten volckc, ende brochten van als wat mcdc : als

Hudson's third voyage. 151

the ship ; and of all the above mentioned commodities, they
brought some home. When they had thus been about fifty
leagues up the river, they returned on the 4th of October,
and went again to sea. More could have been done, if the
crew had been willing, and if the want of some necessary
provisions had not prevented it. While at sea, they held
council together, but were of different opinions. The mate,
a Dutchman, advised to winter in Newfoundland, and to
search the north-western passage of Davis throughout.
This was opposed by Hudson. He was afraid of his mu-
tinous crew, who had sometimes savagely threatened him,
and he feared that during the cold season they would
entirely consume their provisions, and would then be obliged
to return. Many of the crew alt-o were ill and sickly.
Nobody however spoke of returning home to Holland, which
circumstance made the captain still more suspicious. He
proposed therefore to sail to Ireland, and winter there ;
which they all agreed to. At last they arrived at Dartmouth,

sy nu ontrent vyftich mijlen hoogh op cle Reviere gheweest hadden
zijn sy weder-ghekeert den vierden Octobris, ende hebben hun
weder ter zee beglieven, daer hadden meer konnen uyt gherecht
worden, hadde daer goeden wille m t'schipvolck gheweest, ende
SCO mede ghebreck van eenighe nootdruft, sulcks niet hadde ver-
hindert. In Zee hebben sy hun beraedtslaeght, ende waren van
verscheyden opinien, de Onder Schipper een Nederlander, was van
meyninghe op Terra Nova, te gaen verwinteren, ende de noordt-
weste passagie van Davis te door-soecken, daer was de Schij^per
Hutson tegen, die vreesde sijn gemuytineert volck, om sy by
wijlen hem rouwelijck hadden ghedreycht, ende datse mede, voor
de koude des Winters, hun gheheel souden verterren, ende dan
moeten keeren, veel van 't volck teer ende sieckelijck, niemandt
nochtans sprack van t'huys nae Hollandt te varen, dat den Schipper
meerder-hande achter-dencken gaf, dies hy voorsloech nae Irlant te
varen verwinteren, daer sy alle toestemden, dan ten lesten zijn sy in
Enghelandt, tot Dertmouth den sevenden November ghekomen, van

152 Hudson's third voyagk.

in England, the 7th of November, whence they informed
their employers the Directors of the East India Company
of their voyage. They proposed to them to go out again
for a search in the north-west, and that besides the pay, fifteen
hundred florins should be laid out for an additional supply
of provisions. Hudson also wanted six or seven of his crew
exchanged for others, and their number raised to twenty.
He was then going to leave Dartmouth on the 1st of Marcli,
so as to be in the north-west towards the end of that month,
and there to spend the whole of April, and the first half of
May, in catching whales and other fish in the neighbourhood
of Panar Island ;^ thence to sail to the north-west, and there
to pass the time till middle of September, and then to return
to Holland along the north-eastern coast of Scotland. Thus
this voyage passed off.

waer sy haer Meesters de Bewindt-hebbers in Hollandt hcbbcn haer
reyse verwittight, voorslagh doende dat sy van bet noort-weste te
gaen versoecken, met vijfthien bondert gulden in gbelde nicer in
noordruft te besteden, beneffens den loon, ende dat sy in t' scbip
alreede badden, dies wilde by ses ofte seven van sijn volck verandert
bebben, tot, twintich manncn, 't geral op makende, etc., ende soudcn
van Dertmoiitb t'seyle gaen, ontrent den eersten Meertc, om in, t
noort-western te wesen, tegen t'eynde van Meerte, ende daer de
Maendt van April ende half Meye, over te brenghen met Walvis-
scben ende Beestcn te dooden, ontrent bet Eylandt van Panar,
ende dan nae bet noort-westen te varen, om aldacr den tijdt over
te brcngcn tot bait' September, en dacr na door bet Xoortoostcn

^ No such name as Panar Island occurs on old maps. The oidy likely
explanation is that the island meant is the Ys. de Arena of Ortelius,
about 49°, near the coast of Newfoundland, then a general fishing sta-
tion, and undoubtedly a most fitting starting-point for a north-western
expedition. This Ys. de Arena was somehow turned into Panar Island by
the somewhat negligent editor who published the IMS. of the last books
of Van Meteren after his death. This mistake has been rendered (juite
ludicrous by Van der Donck, who actually states that Hudson touched
the ('a)i(iri/ Islands on his third voyage.

Hudson's third voyage. 153

A long time elapsed through contrary winds before the
Company could be informed of the arrival of the ship in
England. Then they ordered the ship and crew to return
as soon as possible. But when they were going to do so,
Henry Hudson and the other Englishmen of the ship were
commanded by government there not to leave England but
to serve their own country. Many persons thought it rather
unfair that these sailors should thus be prevented from
laying their accounts and reports before their employers,
chiefly as the enterprise in which they had been engaged
was such as to benefit navigation in general. These latter
events took place in January 1610, and it was then thought
probable that the English themselves would send ships to
Virginia, to explore the river found by Hudson.

van Schotlandt, weder te keeren na Hollandt. Aldus is die reyse
afgheloopen, ende eer de Bewint-hebbers hebben connen gead-
verteert worden, van haer komste in Enghelandt, is het door con-
trarie wint lange aengheloopen, ende hebben 't schip ende volck
ontboden ten eersten t'huys te komen, ende alsoo 't selfde sonde
geschieden, is den schipper Herry Hutson van wegen die Over-
heydt aldaer, belast niet te moghen vertrecken, maer dienst te
moeten doen, sijn eygen Lant, also mede de ander Engelsche die
int schip waren, dat nochtans vreemt velen dunckt, datmen de
schippers niet toelaten sonde reeckeninghe ende rapport te doene
van haren dienst ende besoingne, &c. ; aen hun Meesters, zijnde
uytghesonden voor 't gemeyne beneficie van alderhande naviga-
tien, dit ghescliiede in Januario, 1610, ende men achte dat de
Engbelsche hem selve wilden mette Schepen nae Virginia senden,
om daer de voorsz Reviere vorder te versoecken.

154

EXTRACTS RELATING TO HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE
(1609), FROM JOHN DE LAET'S NIEUWE WERELT.

FOL., AMSTERDAM, 1625, 1630.

(from book III, CHAP. 7.)

As to the first discovery, the Directors of the privileged
East India Company, in 1609, dispatched the yacht, " Half
Moon," under the command of Henry Hudson, captain and
super-cargo, to seek a passage to China by the north-east.
But he changed his course and stood over towards New
France, and having passed the banks of Newfoundland in
latitude 43° 23',^ he made the land in latitude 44° 15',^ with
a west-north-west and north-west course, and went on shore
at a place where there were many of the natives with whom,
as he understood, the French came every year to trade.

Wat de eerste ontdeckinghe belanght, in den jare 1609 sonden de
Bewindt-hebbers van de gheoctroyeerde Oost-Indische compagnie
het jacht de halve mane, daer voor schipper ende koopman op veer
Hendrick Hudson, cm in 't noordt-oostcn een door-ganc naer
China tc socckcn : dan sy verandcrdcn van Kours, ende staken
over naer Nova Francia, ende de banck van Tcrrencuf ghepasseert
hcbbcnde op de 43 graden ende 23 minuten gheracckten't landt
met een w. n. w. ende n. w. Kours op de 44 graden ende 15
minuten, ende hmdcn daer by sckere Wilden, by de wclcke, soo sy

' Near Cape Sable, Nova Scotia : sec p. 53, note 1; p. 55, note 1.

^ On the coast of Maine, a few miles to the north of Pennobscot Bay,
where they afterwards cut a new foremast for their ship : see Juct, July
17th, p. 69 ; Van Meteren, p. 149, note 2.

HUDSON S THIRD VOYAGE. 155

Sailing hence, he heut his course to the south, until running
south-south-west and south-west by south, he again made
land in latitude 41° •13', which he supposed to be an island,
and gave it the name of New Holland,^ but afterwards dis-

verstonden, de Francoysen jaerhjckx komen handclen : van hicr
keerden sy zuydt-waert op tot datse met een z. z, w. ende z. w.
ten z. gangh weder't landt ghewaer wierden op de 41 graden ende
43 minuten, welck sy meynden een Eylandt te wesen, ende gavent
den naem van Nieuvv Hollandt, dan bevonden daer naer dat hct

^ It is a question of some moment whether Hudson really called Cape
Cod New Holland. His doing so would imply an intention on his side
to take possession of the country in the name of the Dutch. De Laet is
the only one of our authorities who saw Hudson's own journal of the
third voyage, and if we could fully believe his statements, every doubt
would be removed. But the discrepancies between him, Juet, and Pur-
chas, and the mistakes committed by each of them with regard to Cape
Cod, render a satisfactory conclusion impossible. De Laet believes
Cape Cod to be in latitude 41° 43', Juet places it under 40° 10', whilst
Purchas assigns to it two different latitudes, 41° 10' and 41° 45' (see pp.
64, 66, and Purchas's side-notes to these pages). On the other hand the
name of JVew Holland is on the old Dutch maps, not given to Cape Cod
itself, but to the peninsula of Barnstaple, of which Cape Cod forms the
extreme point ; and the mean latitude of that peninsula is, indeed, about
41° 43', whilst Cape Cod lies under 42° 4', and has, on all the old Dutch
maps, one or even more names of its own, viz., Cape Cod, Cape James,
Statenhoek, Withoek. It is also certain, from Juet, pp. 64, 65, that
Hudson explored part of Barnstaple peninsula. Under these circum-
stances it might be thought that a very small correction would set De
Laet's account right, and that the peninsula of Barnstaple was indeed
called New Holland by Hudson. But it is quite clear from Juet, p. 66,
that the spot mistaken by Hudson for Cape Cod was in latitude 40° 10',
a reef in the sea, which he very correctly considered as an island. This
reef was probably situated south of Nantucket. It is, under these cir-
cumstances, to be feared that De Laet set the example, afterwards fol-
lowed by Van der Donck, of tampering with his materials ; and that he
made Hudson give the name of New Holland, because he desired it to
be understood that Hudson wished to take possession of the country, a
fact which is very improbable. The name of New Holland was given to
Barnstaple before the year 1615. It is to be found on a chart of that
date preserved in the Archives of the Hague. (A facsimile in
O'Callaghan's Hist, of Neio Netherland, vol. i.)

156 EXTRACTS RELATING TO

covei'cd that it was Cape Cod, and that according to his
observation, it lay two hundred and twenty-five miles to the
west of its place on all the charts. Pursuing his course to
the south, he again saw land in latitude 37° 15'; the coast
was low, running north and south, and opposite to it lay a
bank or shoal, within which there was a depth of eight,
nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, with a
sandy bottom. Hudson called this place Dry Cape.^

Changing his course to the northward, he again discovered
land in lat. 38° 9',^ where there was a white sandy shore, and
within appeared a thick grove of trees full of green foliage.
The direction of the coast was north-north-east and south-
south-west for about twenty-four miles ; then north and
south for twenty-one miles, and afterwards south-east and
north-west for fifteen miles. They continued to run along
the coast to the north, until they reached a point from which
the land stretches to the west and north-west where several
rivers discharge into an open bay. Land was seen to the

Cap Cod was, ende dat het naer hacr besteck wel vijf-en seventich
mijlen westelijcker leght als in alle Kaerten ghestelt wordt. Van
hier vervielen sy tot de 37 graden ende 15 minuten, alwaer sy
weder landt saghen, ende streckte hem z. ende n. Is een vlacke
Kuste, ende daer streckt een banck langhs de Kuste henen, waer
binnen het 8, 9, 10, 11, 7, ende 6^ vadem diep is sandt-grondt :
sy noemden dese plaetse de drooghe Caep. Daer naer noordt-
waert aen loopende, gheraeckten sy weder't landt op aclit-en-
dertich graden en neghen minuten, ende was een wit sandt-strandt,
ende binnen vol groene boomen, streckte daer n. n. o. ende z. z.
w. ontrcnt acbt mijlen, ende dan z. ende n. seven mijlen, ende
voort z. o. ende n. w. vijf mijlen : zcylden al langlis de wal noorden
aen, tot dat sy aen ccn puni quamcn, ende t'landt streckte docn w.
n. w. ende was een baye daer ccnighc rieviercn in quamcn, van

' rrol)ably Cape Charles, at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 37° 10'.
^ Assatcaguc Island, near the coast of Maryland.

HUDSON S THIRD VOYAGE. 157

east-north-east, which Hudson at first took to be an island,
but it proved to be the main land, and the second point of
the bay, in latitude 38° 54'. Standing in upon a course
north-west by east, they soon found themselves embayed,
and encountering many breakers, stood out again to the
south-south-east. Hudson suspected that a large river dis-
charged into the bay, from the strength of the current that
set out and caused the accumulation of sands and shoals.^

Continuing their course along the shore to the north, they
observed a white sandy beach and drowned land within,
beyond which there appeared a grove of wood ; the coast
running north-east by east and south-west by south. After-
wards the direction of the coast changed to north by east,
and was higher land than they had yet seen. They at length
reached a lofty promontory or headland, behind which was
situated a bay, which they entered and run up into a road-
stead near a low sandy point, in lat. 40° 18'.^ There they

desen hoeck sagen sy landt naer't o. n. o. welck sy meynden een
Eylandt te wesen, dan bevonden het vaste landt, ende den tweeden
hoeck van die baye, op dehooghte van 38 graden ende 54 minuten:
ende alsoo sy haer Kours n. w. ten n. aen stelden, vonden sy haer
selven in een baye verseylt, ende ghemoeten vcel barninghen, soo
dat sy z. z. o. weder uyt-stonden : sy vermoeden datter een groote
rievier most uyt-loopen, door dc groote stroom die daer uytsette,
ende vele sanden ende droogten veroorsaeckte : hiclent van hier
VGorts langs de wal, was wit sandt-strandt, ende binncn al ver-
droncken landt, ende 't binnen landt al vol boomen, streckte n. o,
ten n, ende z. w, ten z, daer naer streckte n. ten, o. ende was
hoogher landt als sy nocli ghesien hadden, tot aen eenen hooghen
hoeck, achter de welcke een baye leght, alwaer sy op de reeden
lieppen, achter een leeghen sandt-hoeck, op de veertich graden

^ The bay and river are the Delaware Bay and River. The second
point of the bay, in latitude 38° 54' (incorrect by a few miles), is Cape
May.

2 Hudson river. They entered near Sandy Hook and Sandy Hook
Bay. (See Juet, p. 77.)

158 EXTRACTS KELATING TO

were visited by two savages clothed in elk-skins, wlio showed
them every sign of friendship. On the land they found an
abundance of blue plums and magnificent oaks, of a height
and thickness that one seldom beholds ; together with pop-
lars, linden trees, and various other kinds of wood useful in
ship-building. Sailing hence in a north-easterly direction,
they ascended a river to nearly 43° north latitude, where it
became so narrow and of so little depth, that they found it
necessary to return.

From all that they could learn, there had never been any
ships or Christians in that quarter before, and they were the
first to discover the river and ascend it so far. Henry Hud-
son returned to Amsj;erdam with his report, and in the fol-
lowing year 1610, some merchants again sent a ship thither,
that is to say, to the second river discovered, which was called
Manhattes from the savage nation that dwelt at its mouth.
And subsequently their High Mightinesses, the States Gene-
ral, granted to these merchants the exclusive privilege

ende achlhien minuten ; daer quamen twee Wildcn by haer in
elandts vellen gekleet, die haer alle teeckenen van vrientschap be-
thoonden, vonden daer aen't landt menichte van blauw pruymen,
en de schoonste eycken van lenghte ende dickte die men sien konde,
poplieren, lonen, ende alderhande houdt dat van noode is tot de
schepen te bouwen ; voeren van hier n. ten o. aen, ende de rievieren
op, to by de 43 graden by noorden de linie, alwaer de rievier heel
nauw werdt ende ondiep, soo dat sy te rugghe keerden. Naer alle
'tgene sy konden oordeelen ende bevinden, soo en waren in dit
quartier noch noyt eenige schepen ofte Christenen geweest, soo
dat sy dc ccrste waren die dose rievier ontdeckten, ende soo hoog-
lie op vocrcn. Hcndrick Hudson met dit raport wedcr ghckccrt
/ijndc 't Amsterdam, soo liebbcn eenighc koop-liedcn in den jarc
IGIO wedcr ecn schip dcrwaerts gcsondcn, tc wctcn naer dcsc
twecde rievier, de wclcke sy den nacm gavcn van Manhattes ;
naer dc nacm van de Wllden die acn't begin van dcsc ricvierc
^vooncn : ende in dc volglicndc jarcn hcbbcn dc Ho. Mog. Hccrcn

Hudson's third voyage. 159

of navigating this river and trading there ;^ wherenpon, in
the year 1615, a redoubt or fort was erected on the river,
and occupied by a small garrison, of which we shall here-
after speak. Our countrymen have continued to make voy-
ages thither, from year to year, for the purpose of trafficking
with the natives, and on this account the country has very
justly received the name of New Netherlands.

Staten Generael aen dese koop-lieden octroy verleent cm alleen op
dese rieviere te mogen varcn ende den handel te drijven : waer
over in den jare 1615 boven op de voornoemde rieviere eenredoute
ofte fortjen wierdt geleght met een kleyn bescttinghe, daer wy hicr
naer noch sullen van spreken ; ende is dese vaert by de onse sints
jaerlijcks ghecontinucert, ende door-gaens van ons volck daer
blijven Icgghen om den handel met de Wilden te drijven; waer
door dit quartier ten rechten den naem van Niew-Nederlandt beeft
verckreghen.

II.

(from book III, CHAPTER 10.)

Henry Hudson, who first discovered this river, and all
that have since visited it, express their admiration of the
noble trees growing upon its banks ; and Hudson has him-
self described the manners and appearance of the people that
he found dwelling within this bay, in the following terms: —

Hendbick Hudson die dese rieviere eerst heeft ontdeckt, ende alia
die nacrderhandt daer bebben gbeweest, wetcn wonder te seggben
van de scboone boomer) die bier wassen : de selve bescbrijft ons
de manieren ende ghestalte van't volck, welck by stracx binnen de
baye vondt aldus : Als ick aent land 't quam, stonde alle de Swarten

^ These facts are not quite correctly stated. See Brodhead, Ilist. of
New York, pp. 60, 61.

160 EXTRACTS RELATING TO

" When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood
around and sung in their fashion ; their clothing consisted
of the skins of foxes and other animals, which they dress and
make the skins into garments of various sorts. Their food
is Turkish wheat (maize or Indian corn), which they cook
by baking, and it is excellent eating. They all came on
board, one after another, in their canoes, which are made of
a single hollowed tree ; their weapons are bows and arrows,
pointed with sharp stones, which they fasten with hard
resin. They had no houses, but slept under the blue
heavens, sometimes on mats of bulrushes interwoven, and
sometimes on the leaves of trees. They always carry with them
all their goods, such as their food and green tobacco, which
is strong and good for use. They appear to be a friendly
people, but have a great propensity to steal, and are exceed-
ingly adroit in carrying away whatever they take a fancy
to."

In latitude 40° 48', where the savages brought very fine
oysters to the ship, Hudson describes the country in the

en songhen op hare wijse; haer kleederen syn vellen van vossen
ende andere beesten die sy bereyden, ende maken kleerderen van
vellen, van aller hande sorteringhen, haer eten is Turcxsche tar we,
daer sy koecken van backen, ende is goet eeten ; quamen al temet
aen boordt d'een voor d'ander naer, met haer prauwen van een
heel houdt gemaeckt ; haer geweer is bogen ende pijlen met scharpe
steentjens voor aen, die sy daer aen vast maken met spiegel harst;
hadden daer geen huysen, sliepen al onder den blaeuwen Ilemcl,
sommige op mattijens aen malkanderen ghewrocht van biesen,
sommighe op bladeren van boomen, dragen altijts al haer goet met
hour datse hebbcn, als eten ende groenen toback welck sterck is
ende goet om ncmen ; schijnt vricndelijck volck te zijn, dan is
seer ghencghen tot stclen, ende subticl oni wcgh te halen alles 't
gheene haer aenstact. Op de hooghte van vcertich graden ende
acht-en vcertich minuten, al waer de Wilde seer schoone ocstcrs
aen syn schip brachten, ghctuycht de voor-noemde Hudson van 't

hudsom's third voyage. 161

following manner : — " It is as pleasant a land as one need
tread upon ; very abundant in all kinds of timber suitable
for shipbuilding, and for making large casks or vats. The
people had copper tobacco pijies,. from which I inferred
that copper might naturally exist there ; and iron likewise
according to the testimony of the natives, who, however, do
not understand preparing it for use.

Hudson also states that they caught in the river all kinds
of fresh-water fish with seines, and young salmon^ and
sturgeon. In latitude 42° 18' he landed : — " I sailed to the
shore," he says, " in one of their canoes, with an old man,
who was the chief of a tribe, consisting of forty men and
seventeen women ; these I saw there in a house well con-
structed of oak bark, and circular in shape, so that it had
the appearance of being well built, with an arched roof. It
contained a great quantity of maize or Indian corn, and

landt aldus ; Is soo schoonen landt als men met voeten betreden
mach, over-vloedigh van alderhande houdt, cm schepen te bouwen,
ende cm groote vaten van te maken ; t' volck hadde daer kojDeren
toback pijpen, waer iiyt ick vermoede dat daer koper meet zijn,
als cock yser naer dcr Wilden beduydinghe, dan sy en hebben
gheen wetenscbap cm 'tselve te bereyden. De selve ghetuyght
mede dat sy op de rievier allerbande rievier-visch met de seghen
vanghen, cock jonghe salm ende steur. Op de booglite van twee-en-
veertich graden ende achthien minuten was dito Hudson acn landt ;
Ick veer (seght hy) met eeu van haer prauwen aen landt, met een
oudt man die daer overste was, van veertich mans ende seventhien
vrouwen, die ick daer sagh ; in een buys van basten van eyckcn-
boomen wel ghemaeckt, ende rondtomsoo gelijck of bet een verwelft

1 This fact has been doubted. Dr. Mitchell, an American naturalist
informed Dr. Miller the New York historian, that no such fish had been
seen in Hudson river, as long as he could remember. But this may be
caused by the extraordinary movement even then (in 1820) existing in
the river's mouth. There is no reasonable ground to doubt that the
Hudson was, at the time of its discovery, as rich in salmon as many
other North American rivers are now.

162 EXTRACTS RELATING TO

beans of the last year's growth, and there Lay near the house
for the purpose of drying, enough to load three ships, besides
what was growing in the fields. On our coming into the
house, two mats were spread out to sit upon, and immediately
some food was served in well made red wooden bowls ; two
men were also despatched at once with bows and arrows in
quest of game, who soon after brought in a pair of pigeons
which they had shot. They likewise killed a fat dog, and
skinned it in great haste, with shells which they had got
out of the water. They supposed that I would remain with
them for the night, but I returned after a short time on
board the ship. The land is the finest for cultivation that
I ever in my life set foot upon, and it also abounds in trees
of every description. The natives are a very good people,
for when they saw that I would not remain, they supposed
that I was afraid of their bows, and taking the arrows, they
broke them in pieces, and threw them into the fire, etc."

He found there also vines and grapes, pumpkins, and
other fruits : from all of which there is sufficient reason

hadde ghewecst, was overvloedigh van Maiz en boonen van 't voor-
gaende jaer, ende daer lagh by het buys wel soo veel te drooghen,
als dry schepen mochten voeren, sender dat noch stondt en wies ;
by bet buys komende werden twee matjens gbespreyt om op te
sitten, ende terstondt eenighe ghericbten voort gbebracbt, in roode
bouten-backen wel gbemaeckt, ende sonden terstondt twee mannen
uyt met booghen om wildt te scbieten, brocbten twee Duyven die
sy wel bacst gbescbooteu badden, slocgben terstondt oock eenen
vetten-bondt, ende krcgbcn bet vel af metier baest met scbelpen
die sy uyt bet water krijgbcn, niccnden dat ick die nacbt by baer
blijven sonde, dan ginck terstondt weder naer bet scbip ; 'tis het
scboonste landt om te bouwen, als ick oyt mijn levcn met vocten
betradt, ende oock van aldcrbandc boomen ; ende is seer goet volck,
want doen sy sagbeu dat ick niet bbjven en wikle, meenden dat
ick van baer bogben vervaert was, namcn de pijlcn, brakcn die
acn stuckcn ende worpcn die int vier, etc. Sy vonden daer oock

Hudson's third voyage. 163

to conclude, that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and
that the natives are well disposed, if they are only well
treated ; although they are very changeable, and of the same
general character as all the savages in the north.

wijngaerden ende dru3-ven, pompoenen ende andere vruchten.
Wt welckes alles ghenoechsaem is af te neraen dat hat een seer
schoon ende vruchtbaer quartier is, ende goet volck, als het maer
wel ghehandelt wordt ; docli seer veranderlijck, ende van den
selven aerdt als alle het volck van die noorder quartieren.

164

EXTRACTS CONTAINING SOME ORIGINAL INFORMA-
TION ABOUT HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE.

FROM MK. LAMBRECHTSEN VAN KITTHEm's HISTORY OF NEW
NETHERIiAND, 8V0., MIDDELBURG, 1818.

(the extracts ABE REPRINTED FROM THE TRANSLATION IN THE

COLLECTIONS OF THE N. Y. HIST. SOC, NEW SERIES,

VOL. I, P. 85, FOL.)

The inclinations of tlie directors of the East India Com-
pany were much at variance upon the proposals of Hudson.
The directors of Zealand opposed it ; they were probably
discouraged by the fruitless results of former voyages, con-
cerning which they could obtain sufficient information from
their colleague, Balthasar Moucheron,^ who long before had
traded to the north. It was said they were throwing money
away, and nothing else. If private merchants would run
the risk they had no objection, provided the company was
not injured by it. The Amsterdam directors, nevertheless,
would not give up their plan, and sent Henry Hudson, in
the same year 1609, with a yacht called the Half Moon,
manned by sixteen Englishmen and Hollanders, again to sea.

^ Balthasar de Moucheron was a rich merchant, one of the active
emigrants who had left the southern provinces of the Netherlands during
the war of independance against Spain. He settled in Zealand, and was
the principal promoter of the maritime enterprise by which the young
republic rose so fast to a distinguished place among European powers.
Moucheron sent on his own account ships to Russia, to America, and to
the East Indies. The undertakings alluded to by Lambrechtsen are the
three voyages to the North-East, which De Veer has described. Mou-
cheron was the principal instigator of these unsuccessful expeditions.
(See Dr. Beke's De Veer, Introduction, p. lii.)

EXTRACTS FROM LAMBRPXHTSEN. 165

This vessel left the Texel on the 6th of April, 1609, sail-
ing towards the north. Prevented by the ice from reaching
the latitude of Nova Zembla, they went to Newfoundland,
and from there to Acadia or New France, till they were
driven into a bay known only to the French, who arrived
there annually to purchase hides and furs from the savages.
Hudson, unwilling to approach those chilling shores, re-
turned to sea, and steering south-west discovered land,
which was first considered to be an island, but which was
soon discovered to be a part of the continent, named Cape
Cod.

This industrious navigator felt (although born in Eng-
land) so sensibly his relation to the Holland East India
Company, who had employed him in discoveries, that he
could not have hesitated a moment to give the name of his
adopted fatherland to this newly discovered countxy. He
called it New Holland. But not wishing to fix his per-
manent residence on this spot, Hudson preferred the sea,
taking a south-west course till he discovered a flat coast in
37° 35', which he followed in an opposite direction.

At this time he discovered a bay, in which several rivers
were emptying, which, no doubt, must have been the South
river, afterwards named Delaware. It has a projecting
point, which then or afterwards obtained the name of Cape
Henlopen, probably from the family name of the first dis-
coverer. Now the bay was again left, and they steered
north-east along the coast at 40° 18', where, between Barn-
degat and Godinspunt, named thus afterwards in remem-
brance of him who first discovered this cape,^ there was a
good anchorage, to explore the country, and to open a com-
munication with the inhabitants. But Hudson's curiosity

1 Godyn was one of the Directors of the Dutch West India Company.
The cape was not discovered by him ; but received his name because
he possessed a large estate in its neighbourhood. Godyns punt is iden-
tical with Colman's Point. See p. 80, note 3.

166 EXTRACTS FROM LAMBRECHTSEN.

was not so easily satisfied. He went again to sea, following
the coast in the same direction till the mouth of a large river
was discovered, which then was named by the sailors the
North river, and afterwards, in honour of the name of the
first discoverer, Hudson's river.

II,

The voyage was prosperous. But when he approached the
English coast a mutiny was stirring among the crew, among
which were several Englishmen. They compelled the skip-
per to enter Dartmouth, from which the rumour of his dis-
coveries ere long reached the capital.

Nothing was more averse from the views of king James
than of allowing to the Netherlanders any advantage from
transmarine colonies, while he, in imitation of Queen Eliza-
beth, desired to convert the whole to the profit of his own
subjects. Hudson was considered as a person of import-
ance, and he was forbidden to pursue his voyage towards
Amsterdam, with the intention, ere long, to make use of his
services.

After the ship, the Half Moon, had been detained at Dart-
mouth for some time, it Avas at length permitted to return
to the fatherland, where it arrived in the beginning of the
year 1610.

And now did the directors obtain such favourable reports
of the countries discovered by Hudson, that in their opinion
these were a full compensation lor their disappointment in
their principal aim, the passage to India by the north.

167

EXTRACTS CONCERNING HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE
(1609), FROM ADRIAN VAN DER DONCK'S

BESCHRYVINGE VAN NIEUW NEDEELANDT, 4tO, AMSTERDAM,

1655, 1656.

(the original pieces are taken from the first pages of the volume,

THE translations IN GREATER PART FROM* THE COLLECTIONS OF THE
NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY, NEW SERIES, VOL. I.)

This country was first found and discovered in the year of
our Lord 1609; when, at the cost of the privileged East
India Company, a ship named the Half Moon was fitted out
to discover a westerly passage to the kingdom of China.
This ship was commanded by Henry Hudson, as captain
and supercargo, who was an Englishman by birth, but
had resided many years in Holland, and was now in the
employment of the East India Company. This ship sailed
from the Canary Islands,^ steering a course north by west ;
and after sailing twenty days with good speed land was

DiT Lantschap is eerstmael gevonden en ontdeckt in den Jare onses
Heeren Jesu Christi 1609. als wanneer ter koste van de Geoctro-
yeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie af-gevaerdight is het Schip de
Halve Maen, cm by Westen eenen doorgangh naer het Coningrijck
van China te soecken : op dit Schip was Schipper en Coopman
eenen Hendrick Hudson, wel een Engelsman geboortig, maer lang
onder de Nederlanders verkeert hebbende, ende nu in dienst en
maentgelt van de Oost-Indische Compagnie. Dit Schip, van de
Canarische Eylanden af t' zeyl gaende, stelde sijne cours West ten
Noorden aen, hebbende so by de twintigh etmael met redehjcke

1 See p. 152, note 1.

168 EXTRACTS FROM VAN DER DONCk's

discovered, which by theii* calculation lay 320° by west.
On approaching the land, and observing the coast and shore
convenient, they landed, and examined the country as well,
as they could at the time and as opportunity offered.

spoet gezeylt, ontmoeten landt nae haer gissinge op de drie hondert
en twintigh graden by Westen, ende merckende aen verscheyde
teeckenen, dat noyt eenigh Christen daer te vooren geweest was,
maer dat nu het lant by geval daer eerst ontdeckt werde. Onder
bet landt dan nader komende, en siende de cust en strant bequaem,
begaven haer daer na toe, namen het gesicht en besit daer van soose
best konde, naer tijdts gelegentheydt.

The country having been first found or discovered by
the Netherlanders, and keeping in view the discovery of the
same it is named the New Netherlands. That this country
was first found or discovered by the Netherlanders, is evi-
dent and clear from the fact that the Indians or natives of
the land, many of whom are still living, and with whom I
have conversed, declare freely, that before the arrival of the
Dutch ship, the Half Moon, in the year 1609, they (the
natives) did not know that there ^vere any other people in

Soo is dan cock Nieiiw Nederlandt, als eerst van Nederlanders
gevonden zijnde, mede ten aensien, de vindinge also genaemt. Dat
dit Lant eerst van Nederlanders gevonden is, blijckt medc klaer
daer uyt, dat de Indianen ofte Inboorlinghen die der noch veel
in 't leven zijn, ende wy dickwils en verscheyden hebben hooren
spreken, soo oudt datse daer van heugen, ront nyt verklaren, dat
voor het aenkomen van ons Neerlants schip de Halve Maen, in 't
Jaer 1609. sy Inboorlingen niet M'isten datter meer menschen in de
werelt waren, als daer van haers ghelijck ontrent haer, vcel min

BESCHRYVINGE VAN NIEUW NEDERLAND. 169

the world than those who were like themselves, much less
any people who differed so much in appearance from them
as we did.

Their men were without hair on the breasts or about the
mouth, like women, whilst our men are hairy ; they were
without clothing and mostly naked, especially in summer,
while we are always clothed and covered. When some of them
first saw our ship approaching at a distance, they did not
know what to think about her, but stood in deep and solemn
amazement, wondering whether it were a ghost or apparition
coming down from heaven or hell. Others of them supposed
her to be a strange fish or sea monster. When they dis-
covered men on board, they looked upon them rather as
devils than human beings. Thus they differed about the ship
and men. A strange report was also spread about the country
concerning our ship and visit, which created great astonish-
ment and surprise amongst the Indians. These things we
have frequently heard them declare, and we regard them as
certain proofs that the Netherlanders were the first finders

menschen so veer van haer slach en fatsoen verschillende als hare
en onse Natie, zijnde hare Natie op de borst ende omtrendt den
mont gantsch kael, ende den Vrouwen ghelijckt, de onse heel
hayrigh, sy onghekleet, ende meest ontdekt, voornemelijck des
Zomers, en wy altijt gekleet en bedekt, so dat doen sommige van
haer, ons Schip van verre eerst sagen aenkomen, al heel niet wisten
wat daer van te oordelen, ende in swaer beduchten stonden, of het
oock spoock of diergelijcke werck was, dan of het uyt den Hemel
of uyt de Hel mochte komen, andere meenden of het wel een
seltsame Vis ofte Zee -monster sonde moghen wesen, ende of die
gene die daer op waren, beter nae Duyvels of nae Menschen
geleken, ende soo voorts gelijck yder sijn verscheyden gevoelen
heeft : altijt daer liep een heel vreemt gerucht van door het lant,
ende 't gaf groote versslagentheydt by alle de Indianen, ghelijck
my dickwils verscheyden Indianen getuyght hebben, dies wy het
oock voor een seker bewijs houden, dat de Neerlanders de eerste

170 EXTRACTS FROM VAN DER DONCK's

or discoverers and possessors of the New Netherlands. There
are Indians in the country whose memory carries them back
a hundred years/ and if there had been any other people
here before us they would have known something of them,
and if they had not seen them themselves they would have
heard an account of them from others. There are persons
who believe that the Spaniards have been here many years
ago, when they found the climate too cold to their liking, and
again left the country ; and that the maize or Turkish corn,
and beans found among the Indians, were left with them
by the Spaniards.- This opinion or belief is improbable, as

vinders en besitters van Nieuw Nederlant zijn, want daer zijn
Wilden die over de hondert Jaren heughen, ende soo der noch
eenigh volck voor d'onse geweest waren, daer van souden sy al
yetwes weten te seggen, soo sy 't selfs niet gesieu hadden, souden
ten minsten van haer Voor-ouders gehoort hebben. Daer zijn cook
luyden die meenen dat over veele Jaren de Spangiaerts in dit lant
geweest zijn, maer het voor haer wat te koiit bevindende, weder
verlaten hebben, en dat de boontjcs en Turksche tarwe of Mayes,

^ The character and purpose of Van der Donck's book is explained in
the introduction to the present volume. He was anxious to prove that
New Netherland (a vast tract of land, of which the States of New York
and Pennsylvania form the principal part) belonged by right of dis-
covery to the Dutch, Being by profession a lawyer, he is not very
scrupulous in his special pleading. The argument drawn from the
memory of the Indians must elicit a smile in any one acquainted with
them. They have no means of measuring past time, they do not even
know their own ages, and are therefore themselves quite unable to ascer-
tain how far their memory carries them back.

^ Notwithstanding Van der Donck's assertions to the contrary, the
whole coast of New Netherland was undoubtedly known to the Spaniards.
The first of their vessels that visited these shores was commanded by
the Portuguese Estevan Gomez, who seems to have spent part of the
spring and summer of the year 1525 in exploring them. Their ships
frequently visited them afterwards, and gave names to the rivers and
islands. Hudson's river was called by them Rio de Gamas (Roe river).
This matter is explained at some length in the introduction to the pre-
sent volume.

BESCHRYV[NGE VAN NIEUW NEDERT.AND. 171

we can discover nothing of the kind from the Indians. Tiicy
say that their corn and beans were received from the southern
Indians, who received their seed from a people who resided
still farther south, which may well be true, as the Castilians
have long since resided in Florida. The maize may have been
among the Indians in the warm climate long ago ; however,
our Indians say that they did eat roots and the bark of trees in-
stead of bread, before the introduction of Indian corn or maize.

daer van onder de Wilden ghebleven^soude zijn, maer 't is niet
waerschijnelijck, heb het cock noyt van de Wiklen konnen ver-
nemen, ende de boontjes met het coorn, seggense haer van de
zuydtse Wilden wel eertijts overgelevertte zijn, die het cock voor
een tijt, nock al vry veel zuydelijcker van menschen die daer
woonen, bekomen hadden, dat wel waer kan wesen : Want in
Florida hebben al over langh Castilianen gewoont, ofte misschien is
de Mayes oock wel eerder in die warme landen onder de Indianen
geweest, maer onse Wilden seggen, datse van te vooren, eerse van de
Mayes wisten, hasten van boomen, en wortelen in plaetse van
broot aten.

When this country was, in 1G09, first found by the Dutch,
they learned from the natives that no Christians had been
there before ; and considering themselves as the first dis-
coverers they took possession in the name of their High
Mightinesses the States General ; first along the South Bay,

Doen dan eerstmael in het Jaer 1609 by de Neerlandcrs dit landt
op-ghedaen werdt, ende aen de Jnboorlinghen bemerckende, dat
sy aldaer de eerste Christenen ende Vinders waren, namen sy op
den naeni ende van weglien hare Ho. Mog. mijn Heeren de Staten
Generael der Vereeniglide Nederlanden possessie, eerst by de Suyt-
bay aen Caep Hinloopen, die sy doenmael soo nocmdcn, ghclijck

172 EXTRACTS FROM VAN DER DONCK.

near the cape, which they then called Cape Hinlopen/ the
name it still bears. Thence they sailed along the coast,
giving various names to rivers and places, till into the great
north river, which they sailed far up. The English on this
account call it Hudson's river. The first discoverers called
it Mauritius^ river, after Prince Maurice, who was then
Statholder. Thence they sailed to Cape Cod, where they
took possession, calling it New Holland.^

sy den selven naem noch heeft, ende voeren so al voort langlis de
custe, ende op de Rivieren de plaetsen verscheyde benaminge
gevende tot aen de groote Noort-rivier, die sy ver op voeren, soo
datse de Engelsche noch sommighe Hutsons Rivier, willennoemen,
maer sy noemdense doen Mauritius Rivier, naer Prins Mauritis,
die doenmael in Nederlandt Gouverneur was ; van daer voerense
voort tot voorby Caep Codt, daerse oock possessie namen, ende
noemden de selve Nieuw Hollandt.

■^ This taking possession is an invention of Van der Donck. They
never landed near Cape Hinlopen. (See Juet, pp. 73 to 75 ; De Laet,
pp. 154, 155.)

^ This is also an invention of Van der Donck. The name was
given several years afterwards.

' This is quite incorrect. They sailed straight home without
even seeing land. Hudson touched the coast near Cape Cod before he
explored Hudson river.

173

AMERICAN TRADITIONS CONCERNING THE THIRD
VOYAGE (1609).

THE TRADITION ABOUT THE FIEST LANDING OF HENRY HUDSON

ON THE SHORES OP NEW YORK DURING HIS THIRD

VOYAGE.

(prom TATE3 AND MOULTON's HISTORY OF NEW YORK, 1, P. 210.)

According to tradition they first landed in Coney Island,
opposite Gravesend (Long Island), and now a part of King's
County, in this state.

11.

the tradition of the american indians concerning

Hudson's first intercourse with them, as preserved

by the rev. j. heckewelder.

(from new YORK HIST, SOCIETY, COLLECTIONS, NEW SERIES, VOL. I.)

THK FOLLOWING INTRODUCTORY NOTE, AS WELL AS THE EXPLANATORY FOOT
NOTES, ARE FROM THE N. Y. H. S. COLLECTIONS.

Note.
The following paper is derived from the manuscripts deposited among
the collections of the Society by the Rev. Samuel Miller, D.D., to whom
it was communicated by the Rev. John Heckewelder, for many years a
Moravian missionary to the Indians of Pennsylvania. In a letter accom-
panying it, dated at Bethlehem, Jan. 26th, 1801, Mr. Heckewelder says :
" As I receive my information from Indians, in their language and style,
I return it in the same way. Facts are all I aim at, and from my know-
ledge of the Indians, I do not believe every one's story. The enclosed
account is, I believe, as authentic as anything of the kind can be ob-
tained."

A voluminous correspondence of Mr. Heckewelder with Mr. Du Pon-

174 AMERICAN TRADITIONS

ceau, concerning the languages of the Indians, together with an account
of the history, manners, and general character of the native tribes, de-
rived from personal observation, was published by the American Philo-
sophical Society, at Philadelphia, 1819. This paper, in a somewhat
altered, perhaps improved, form in respect to his phraseology, was com-
prehended in that publication ; but as the original draft is more likely
to convey accurately the language and style of Mr. Heckewelder's Indian
informants, there seems to be a manifest propriety in adopting it for
publication in the present collection.

The following account of the first arrival of Europeans at
New-York Island, is verbatim as it was related to me by
aged and respected Delawares, Momeys and Mahicanni
(otherwise called Mohigans, Mahicandus), near forty years
ago. It is copied from notes and manuscripts taken on the
spot. They say :

A long time ago, when there was no such thing known to
the Indians as people with a white skin (their expression),
some Indians who had been out a-fishing, and where the
sea widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably
large swimming or floating on the water, and such as they
had never seen before. They immediately returning to the
shore apprised their countrymen of what they had seen, and
pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might
be. These together hurried out, and saw to their great sur-
prise the phenomenon, but could not agree what it might
be ; some concluding it either to be an uncommon large
fish or other animal, while others were of opinion it must be
some very large house. It was at length agreed among
those who were spectators, that as this phenomenon moved
towards the land, whether or not it was an animal, or any-
thing that had life in it, it would be well to inform all the
Indians on the inhabited islands of what they had seen, and
put them on their guard. Accordingly, they sent runners
and watermen off" to carry the news to their scattered chiefs,
that these might send off" in every direction for the warriors
to come in. These arriving- in numbers, and themselves

CONCEKNING HUDSOiS's THIRD VOYAGE. 175

viewing the strange appearance, and that it was actually
moving towards them (the entrance of the river or bay),
concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in which the
Mannitto (great or supreme being) himself was, and that he
probably was coming to visit them. By this time the chiefs
of the different tribes were assembled on York Island, and
were deliberating on the manner in which they should
receive their Mannitto on his arrival. Every step had been
taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice ;
the women were required to prepare the best of victuals ;
idols or images were examined and put in order ; and a
grand dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable
entertainment for the Mannitto, but might, with the addition
of a sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case he
was angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work,
to determine what the meaning of this phenomenon was, and
what the result would be. Both to these, and to the chiefs
and wise men of the nation, men, women, and children were
looking up for advice and protection. Between hope and
fear, and in confusion, a dance commenced. While in this
situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring it a house of
various colours, and crowded with living creatures. It now
appears to be certain that it is the great Mannitto bringing
them some kind of game, such as they had not before ; but
other runners soon after arriving, declare it a large house of
various colours, full of people, yet of quite a different colour
than they (the Indians) are of; that they were also dressed
in a different manner from them, and that one in particular
appeared altogether red, which must be the Mannitto
himself. They are soon hailed from the vessel, though in a
language they do not understand ; yet they shout (or yell)
in their way. Many are for running off to the woods, but
are pressed by others to stay, in order not to give offence to
their visitors, who could find them out, and might destroy
them. The house (or large canoe, as some will have it)

176 AMERICAN TRADITIONS

stops, and a smaller canoe comes ashore with the red man
and some others in it; some stay by this canoe to guard it.
The chiefs and wise men (or councillors) have composed a
large circle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others
approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance, and
they return the salute after their manner. They are lost in
admiration, both as to the colour of the skin (of these whites)
as also to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit of
him who wore the red clothes, which shone with something
they could not account for.^ He must be the great Mannitto
(supreme being) they think, but why should he have a
white skin V A large hockhack^ is brought forward by one
of the (supposed) Mannitto's servants, and from this a
substance is poured out into a small cup (or glass) and
handed to the Mannitto. The (expected) Mannitto drinks ;
has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief next to
him to drink. The chief receives the glass, but only
smelleth at it, and passes it on to the next chief, who does
the same. The glass thus passes through the circle without
the contents being tasted by any one ; and is upon the point
of being returned again to the red-clothed man, when one of
their number, a spirited man and great warrior, jumps up,
harangues the assembly on the impropriety of returning the
glass with the contents in it j that the same was handed
them by the Mannitto in order that they should drink it, as
he himself had done before them ; that this would please
him ; but to return what he had given to them might
provoke him, and be the cause of their being destroyed by
him. And that since he believed it for the good of the
nation that the contents offered them should be drank, and
as no one was willing to drink it he would, let the con-
sequence be what it would ; and that it was better for one
man to die, than a whole nation to be destroyed. He then

^ Lace. ^ Their own expression.

^ Their word for gourd, bottle, decanter, etc.

CONCERNING HUDSON's THIRD VOYAGE. 177

took the glass and bidding the assembly a farewell, drank it
off. Every eye was fixed on their resolute companion to see
what an effect this would have upon him, and he soon
beginning to stagger about, and at last dropping to the
ground, they bemoan him. He falls into a sleep, and they
view him as expiring. He awakes again, jumps up, and
declares that he never felt himself before so happy as after
he had drank the cup. Wishes for more. His wish is
granted ; and the whole assembly soon join him, and be-
come intoxicated.^

After this general intoxication had ceased (during which
time the whites had confined themselves to their vessel), the
man with the red clothes returned again to them, and dis-
tributed presents among them, to wit, beads, axes, hoes,
stockings, etc. They say that they had become familiar to
each other, and were made to understand by signs, that
they now would return home, but would visit them next
year again, when they would bring them more presents, and
stay with them awhile ; but that, as they could not live
without eating, they should then want a little land of them
to sow seeds in order to raise, herbs to put in their broth.

^ The Delawares calls this place (New York Island) Mannahattanink
or Mannahacktaniok to this day. They have frequently told me that it
derived its name from the general intoxication, and that the word com-
prehended the same as to say the island or place of general intoxica-
tion.

The Mahicanni (otherwise called Mohiggans by the English, and
Mahicandus by the Low Dutch) call this place by the same name as
the Delawares do : yet think it is owing or given in consequence of
a kind of wood which grew there, and of which the Indians used to
make their bows and arrows. This wood the latter (Mohicanni) call
" gawaak."

The universal name the Monseys have for New York is Laaphawack-
king, which is interpreted, the place of stringing beads (wampum). They
say this name was given in consequence of beads being here distributed
among them by the Europeans ; and that after the European vessel had
returned, wherever one looked, one would see the Indians employed in
stringing the beads or wampum the whites had given them.

178 AMERICAN TRADITIONS

That the vessel arrived the season following, and they were
much rejoiced at seeing each other; but that the whites
laughed at them (the Indians) seeing they knew not the use
of the axes, hoes, etc., they had given them, they having had
these hanging to their breasts as ornaments ; and the stock-
ings they had made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites
now put handles (or helves) in the former, and cut trees
down before their eyes, and dug the ground, and showed them
the use of the stockings. Here (say they) a general
laughter ensued among them (the Indians), that they had
remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so
valuable implements ; and had borne with the weight of
such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a length
of time. They took every white man they saw for a
ManittOj yet inferior and attendant to the supreme Manitto,
to wit, to the one which wore the red and laced clothes.
Familiarity daily increasing between them and the whites,
the latter now proposed to stay with them, asking them only
for so much land as the hide of a bullock would cover (or
encompass), which hide was brought forward and spread on
the ground before them. That they readily granted this
request ; whereupon the whites took a knife, and beginning
at one place on this hide, cut it up into a rope not thicker
than the finger of a little child, so that by the time this hide
was cut up, there was a great heap. That this rope was
drawn out to a great distance, and then brought round
again, so that both ends might meet. That they carefully
avoided its breaking, and that upon the whole it encom-
passed a large piece of ground. That they (the Indians)
were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not
wish to contend with them about a little land, as they had
enough. That they and the whites lived for a long time
contentedly together, although these asked from time to
time more land of them ; and proceeding higher up the
Mahicanittuk (Hudson river), they believed they vvould soon

CONCERNING HUDSUN's THIKD VOYAGE. 179

want all their country, and which at this time was already
the case.

[Here ends this Relation.^]

THE SAME TRADITION CONFIRMEI) BY DR. BARTON.
(from TATES and MOULTON's history of new YORK, p. 257.)

Mr. Heckewelder received the tradition about sixty-five
years ago, and took it down verbatim, as it was related to
him by aged and respected Delawares, Monseys, and Mahi-
canni. Dr. Barton says the story is told in the same way
by all the Indians of the tribes of Delawares, the " Monces,"
and Mohiccans ; and in relating the incidents, they laugh
at their own ignorance. But what still further shows (says
Dr. B.) that considerable dependence may be placed upon
the tradition is this, that to this day the Delawares, the
Monseys, and Mohiccans call New York Manahachtanienks,
that is, the place at which we were drunk, being the name
they bestowed on the place immediately after the incident
related.

^ At the head of this article there is a typographical error in the
name of a tribe of Indians — Momeys should be Monseys, often written
Minsis. For an exact account of this and other Delaware nations, see
Gallatin's St/nopsis of the Indian Tribes, a work of extraordinary ability,
contained in Transactions of American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii, p.
44, etc.

180

AN EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN LUKE FOX'S DESCRIP-
TION OF HUDSON'S FOURTH VOYAGE.

(north-west, rox, p. 70.)

In the road of Lee, in the river Thames, he caused Master
Coolbrand^ to be set in a pinke to be carried backe again to
London. This Coolbrand was every way held to be a better
man than himselfe, being put in by the adventurers as his
assistant, who envying the same (he having the command
in his own hands) devised this course, to send himselfe the
same way, though in a farre worse place, as hereafter fol-
loweth.

^ Hudson (p. 93) calls him Colburne ; Pricket (p. 98) calls him Col-
bert. Hudson's version of the name, the only one that forms part of a
logbook written during the voyage, is most probably the correct one.

181

HESSEL GERRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF HUD-
SON'S TWO LAST VOYAGES.

FROM THE LATIN AND DUTCH EDITIONS OF THE DESCRIPTIO

ET DELINEATIO GEOGKAPHICA DETECTIONIS FRETI

AB H. HUDSONO INVENTI.

4tO., AMSTERDAM, 1612, 1613.

The following accounts are all due to the same hand ; they even form
part of the different editions of the same work ; and the natural suppo-
sition would therefore be, that they must be repetitions of each other.
This is, indeed, in a small degree, the case. But the variations between
them are very great and very curious ; showing, as they do, the uncer-
tainty of Gerritz's information, and how it was gradually corrected. It
has, therefore, seemed advisable to reprint them all.

I.
HUDSON'S FOURTH VOYAGE,

A SUMMARY PRINTED ON THE BACK OF THE CHART.

A}i Account of the Voijage and New Found Strait of Mr. Hudson.

Mr. Hudson, who has been repeatedly engaged in the
search of a western passage, long intended to undertake an
expedition for this same purpose through Lumley's Inlet,
a channel leading out of Davis's Strait ; as we ourselves
have seen pointed out on his map, which is in Mr. Plancius'
hands. He hoped thus to reach the Pacific by the west of

Mr. Hudson die ettelijcke malen Westwaerts een doorgangh
ghesocht lieeft, had zijn oogh-merck cm door Lumbleys inlet in
Fretum Davis in een doorgaende Zee te comen, ghelijck wy sulcx
in zijn Caerte by Mr. Plantius gesien hebben-eii by v/esten Nova
Albion in Mar del Zur te loope, daer een Enghels man, soo hy
glieteeckent had, door ghepasseert was. Macr nac veel moeytens

182 HESSEL GEKRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

Nova Albion, J where another Englishman had, according to
his drawings^ passed through. Hudson found after many
labours the way represented on our map, and he was only
prevented from following it further up, by the resistance of
his crew. This mutiny took place under the following cir-
cumstances. They had been absent from home about ten
months, being provisioned only for eight, and during their
whole voyage they had met but a single man, who brought
them an animal which they ate ; but having been badly
treated, the man never returned. Having thus left the lati-
tude of 52°, where they had wintered, and having sailed up
to 60°, along the western shore of their bay, they fell in
with a wide sea and with a great flood from the north-west.
The commanders intended to proceed further. The crew
then rose against him, and put all the officers out of the
ship into a boat, and sailed home to England. For this

heeft hy desewech, die hier op dees Caerte gheteeckent staet, gevon-
den, die hy vervolclit sonde hebben, hadde 't ghemeen Scheeps-
volck niet soo onwilHcli gheweest : want also sy wel 10 maende
uytgeweest hadden, daerse nochtans maer voor 8 maenden gevict-
alieert waren, ende op de heele wech maer een man ghesien heb-
ben, die haer een groot Dier brocht dat sy aten; die, om dat hy
qualijck ghetracteert wiert, niet wear en quam, soo isset gemeen
Scheeps-volck (als sy weder vande hoochte van 52 gr. daer sy
verwinterden, tot op de hoochte van 60 grad. langhs de West-
zyde vande Baye, daer sy in geloopen waren), op-gheclommen,
daer sy een ruyme Zee ende groote baren uyten Noordwesten
vernamen, endelick tegens haer Meesters op gestaen, die vor-
der voort wilden, ende hebben d' Overheyt altesamen in een
Sloep ofto scliuyt buyten scheeps gheset, ende zijn alsoo met het
Schip nat Enggelant geseylt : Hierom zijn sy, als sy t' buys qua-

^ Nova Albion is a vaojue term embracing all the possessions of the
English in North America. The geographical notions involved in this
passage and in the rest of Gerritz's various accounts will be discussed
in the introduction.

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 183

cause they have, on their arrival at home, all been put in
prison; and in the course of the present summer (1612)
some ships have again been sent to those regions by order
of the king and of the Prince of Wales/ to discover a passage
and to look for Mr. Hudson and his companions. These
have received orders that, in case the passage be found, two
of them shall pass through it, the third shall be sent home
with the news, which we are expecting.

men, altesamen in prison gheset, ende dese Somer zijnder op
nieus schepe ter ordonnantie van den Coningh ende den Prince
van Wallis derwaerts ghesonden, cm de doorgangh verder t' ont-
decken, ende Mr. Hudson met den synen op te soecken : welcke
schepen bevel hebben cm met hun tween, als de passagie ghevon-
den sal zijn, door te passeren, ende een t' huyste senden met de
tydinghe die wy verwachten.

II.
HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGES,

FROM THE PROLEGOMENA TO THE FIRST LATIN EDITION.

But as even after these voyages of William Barentz^ the
English had repeatedly tried that northern way, the Direc-
tors of the East India Company resolved three years ago to

QuoNiAM vero etiam post navigationes prajdictas Guilehiii Ber-
nard!, viam illam aquilonarem aliquoties Angli adhuc tentaverant,
visum fuit ante triennium D.D. Indicse navigationis prajfectis eo

■^ Henry, Priuce of Wales, a young man of great promise, who died in
November, 1612.

^ The preceding passages of the Prolegomena, or Preface to Hessel
Gerritz's work, contain a short account of Barentz's voyages to the
North-east in search of a short way to China. The members of the
Hakluyt Society possess Dr. Beke's excellent edition of De Veer's de-
scription of these voyages.

184 IlESSEL GERKITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

send there a certain Mr. Hudson, an Englishman. He,
having found no way to the east, but, instead of it, the ocean
ahnost entirely obstructed by ice, went to the west and re-
turned without any profit to England. He was then sent
out again by the English, and his voyage was far more
prosperous, but his own fortune far worse. For, having
after many labours passed beyond the Terra de Baccalaos^
for about three hundred miles- to the west, and having win-
tered there in latitude 52", and being sure to be able to go
still farther; then, not only he himself, but all his officers
were put into a boat by their mutinous crew and left to drift
on the waves. The sailors returned home without delay.
We have added his geographical observations to the present
book. We expect more certain news by the ships which
have already been sent there ; and even the much desired
report that they will have passed through the strait. These
ships will thus obtain eternal fame and glory, . .

mittere quendam M. Hudsonum Anglum, qui cum nullam ad
Ortum viam, sed ejus vicem Oceanum invenesset glacie prorsus
obstructum, ad Occasum deflexit, unde sine ullo profectu in
Angliam appulit. Emissus auteni de novo ab Anglis, cursu qui-
dem longo prosperiore, at deteriore tamen successu usus est ; cum
enim post varies labores ultra Terram de Baccalaos 300 circiter
milliaria Occasum versus emensus esset, inibique ad altitudinem
graduum 52 jam hibernasset, et ulterius tendere certus esset, ecce
non tantum ipse, sed omnis eius Senatus (ut sic dixerim) nauti-
cus scaphse ab importunis nautis impositus et in undas demissus,
ipsi sine mora domum reversi sunt. Nos vero notas ejus ad cal-
cem hujus libelli adjunximus, certiora per naves eo jam missas,
imo optatum de Freto pervio nuntium expectantes. Quae naves hoc
ipso seternara sibi famam paraturse sunt.

^ Terra de Baccalaos, or Codfish land, is a vague term, embracing
most of the codfish stations north of 49°. On the old maps the name is
generally written in latitude 55° or 56°, For the origin and history of
the term, see the introduction to the present volume.

^ Probably German miles. The other accounts have leucas (leagues).

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 185

These news of Hudson's recently found passage to the
north of Newfoundland and the hope of a strait, are con-
firmed by the testimony of the Virginian and Floridan
savages, who all state most distinctly that their country is
washed on its south-western side by a vast ocean, in which
they have seen ships similar to those of the English.

Confirmatur hsec nuper invent! ah Hudsono supra Terram
Novam transitus sive Freti spes, Virginiarum Floridanorumque
concordibus testimoniis, diserte adfirmantium, terras suas ab oc-
casu aestivo vasto Oceano, in quo et naves Anglicanarum similes
viderunt.

HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGES,

FKOM THE LATIN EDITION OF 1612.

An account of the Discovery of the North-western Passage, tvhich is
expected to lead to China and Japan, hy the North of the Ame-
rican Continent, found hy Mr. H. Hudson, an Englishman.

The English nation, encouraged by previous success, have
grown bolder and bolder in their naval enterprise. Thus,
besides their frequent voyages to the east, to Nova Zembla
and to Spitzbergen,^ they have made almost uninterrupted
efforts to discover a western passage or strait to China and

Felicissim^ Anglicse gentis espeditiones maritimae, et prosper-
rimi quibus in ijs usi successus, eos ad rariores quoque profecti-
ones tentandas magis magisque extimularunt : nam prseter crebra
suorum ad Ortum et Novam Zemlam Groelandiamq. itinera, per-
petuo fere laborarunt in investigando ad Occidentem, Chinam

1 Gerritz has Groenlandiam. The curious history of this name and
of the geographical ideas and discoveries connected with it, will be found
in the introduction to the present volume.

186 HESSEL GERRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

Japan. They expected that sailing by this road they would
have on their left the North American shores, where they
have founded their Virginian colony.

Several of those who set out in search of that passage
entered Davis's Straits. Their example was followed by
Captain George Winwood/ who sailed in 1602 nearly five
hundred English miles up that strait, but was then forced
by the ice to return. He now attempted to find the desired
passage by exploring the narrows under 61°, which the
English call Lumley's Inlet. But having sailed a hundred
leagues into them he again turned back, partly on account
of the sufferings which the great length of the voyage pro-
duced among his crew, partly because he desired to explore
two more bays, situated between Lumley's Inlet and Bacca-
laos, whence the sea was streaming out with great might.
These facts are stated in his logbooks, which Mr. Peter
Plancius, a diligent investigator of such matters, commu-
nicated to Mr. H. Hudson during his stay in Amsterdam in
1609, when Hudson was going to undertake a search for a

atque Japonem versus, transitu, sive freto, idque rellcto ad Isevam
septentrional! America littore, occupata jam illic et colonijs suis
insessa Virginia. Viam vero, quam eorum plserique in freto hoc
indagando ingressi sunt, secutus est annos 1602 Capitaneus quo-
que Georgius Winwood, qui quingentas fere Anglicas leucas
in Freto Davis sursum decorsum vagarus, et prse glacie tandem
coactus retrogredi, tentavit nura per sinum ilium, quern Angli
Lumles Inlet appellant, sub gradibus uno et sexaginta positum,
invenire forte posset optatam viam, sed centum in eo leucas Hypa-
fircum versus progressus, pedem et hinc quoque retulit, turn quod
diuturna itineris molestia nauticum vulgus esset attritum, turn
quod statu isset lustrare et alios duos sinus inter Lumles Inlet et
Bseccalaos, jnde exeuntem vidisset ingentem fluxum pro ut constat
ejus Ephemeridibus, quasM.Petrus Plancius, curiosissimus talium
novitatum investigator, tradidit M. Henrico Hudsono Anglo,

^ George Weymouth. The mistake is corrected in the later editions.

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 187

passage to the north of Nova Zembla for the Directors of
the Dutch East India Company. He did set out, but
achieved nothing in the east ; he sailed therefore straight
westward, to attempt again the way searched out and drawn
by Captain Winwood ; which way, after passing for about
a hundred leagues through a narrow channel, leads out into
a wide sea. Hudson hoped to find a way through this sea,
though Plancius had proved to him the impossibility of
success, from the accounts of a man who had reached the
western shore of that sea. Hudson achieved in 1609 nothing
memorable, even by this new way. But he was again sent
out in 1610 by his own countrymen. He now followed the
way through Lumley's Inlet pointed out to him by Win-
wood's papers. Having passed under many labours through
the strait, he reached the latitude of 52°, where he wintered.
Here he fell in, for the first time during the voyage, with
one of the natives of the country. This Indian brought
some merchandise, and was armed with a Mexican or Japa-

Amsterodami per id tempus, anno videlicet 1609, agenti, et In-
dicse navigationis preefectis, in quaerendo supra Novam Zemlam
transitu, operam impensuro, qui et ipse cum ad Ortum nil pro-
fecisset, ad occasum recta deflexit, denuo tentaturus ilium a Capi-
taneo Winwood qusesitum delineatumque meatum, post centum
plus minus leucarum angustias, in amplum tandem pelagus desi-
nentem, quod ipsum mare hie noster Hudsonus speraverat fore
perivium, licet contrarium ei, ex relatione cujusdam, qui occiden-
tale maris ipsius littus adnavigaverat, idem Plancius ostendisset.

Hudsonus, cum ne hoc quidem itinere quidquam memoria dig-
num gessisset, anno proxime insecuto 1610, a popularibus suis
rursus omissus est, et secutus ilium in Lumles Inlet sibi a Georgio
Winwood ex parte calcatum tramitem, post multas tandem moles-
tias fretum hoc superavit, et ad gradus 50, et 51, progressus est.
Ubi et hibernavit, atque hie demum, cum alioqui nullos toto
itinere obvios usquam et nescio quid prseterea adferret in com-
meatum crisso Mexicano seu Japonensi accinctus. Unde se non

188 HESSEL GERRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

nese oris ;^ fvom which circumstances Hudson concluded
that he was not far from Mexico. The native, however, not
being well treated, never afterwards returned. The Eng-
lish thus lost this only chance of adding to their victuals,
and being provided for eight months only, they left the
harbour they had entered and sailed along the western shore
of the bay till up to 62° or 63° north. Here they found a
wide sea and more powerful tides from the north-west,
which Hudson and the officers intended to examine further.
But the crew, who had already been two months longer
from home than their provisions had been intended for, rose
against their commanders, and exposed Hudson and his
friends in a boat in the open air. The crew then returned
by the way they had come and reached their home in
September 1611, where they were thrown into prison.
They are going to be kept prisoners till their captain will
have been found. In search of him three ships have been
sent out this summer (1612) by the Prince of Wales and

procul a terris Mexicanis abesse noster illico suspicatus est. Vir
autem ille, parum comiter tunc exceptus, nunquam-postea redijt.
Quare Angli, cum praeter octimestrem ilium, quern secum advexe-
rant commeatum, nihil aliunde nanciscerentur, e sinu, quern erant
ingressi, occidentale legentes littus, septemtrionem versus ex-
currerunt ad gradus 62, et 63, ubi et mare invenerunt late diffu-
sum, et grandiores ab Cauro impulses fluctos, quise Hudsono
quidem et senatui nautico animus erat ulterius indagandi ; sed
refragantes navales socij, quod bimestri jam spatio, ultra quam de
annona prospectum esser, dome abfuissent, insurrexere tandem in
sues preefectos, atque Hudsonum una cum suis scapha exposue-
runt in mare: ipsi vero qua venerant navi, anno 1611 Septem-
bri mense, domum reversi sunt, ubi in carcerem hac de caussa
compacti, tantispcr asservantur, dum inveniatur Prsefectus, quern
requirere jussse sunt tres ille naves, quas emiserunt hac ipsa sestate

^ Thus the Mexicans call their flame-shaped poniards. (Gerritz's
notes.)

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 189

some merchants. They are to explore the passage through-
out, and when they have found the open ocean, one of them
is to return with the desired news. This ship is daily ex-
pected home.

Sej-sim. VVallse Princeps et mercatores, transitum plane perlus-
traturas, ac pernavigaturas, quarum imi injunctum, ut detecto ad
plenu nieatu recurrat, nuntium illud tarn diu desideratum feliciter
allatm'a, quod in horas nunc expectatur.

IV.

HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGE,

FROM THE SECOND LATIN EDITION (1613).

WITH NOTES INDICATING THE VARIATIONS OF THE DUTCH

EDITION.

A Description and Chart of the Discovery of the Strait or Passage
by the north of the American continent to China and Japan.

The English, stimulated by the happy success of their
maritime enterprise, undergo without hesitation the troubles
which these expeditions involve ; and in spite of the labori-
ous nature of their voyages to the east, to Moscovia, Nova
Zembla and Spitzbergen, they are still bent on new dis-
coveries. They have chiefly made uninterrupted efforts to
find a passage in the west, where they have already occu-
pied Virginia and peopled it with their colonists. This

Felicissimje Anglorum navigationes, et prosperrimi, earum suc-
cessus, magis ac magis isti genti stimulum addiderunt, ut facile
omnia tsedia devorarint et novas detectiones susceperint, quae licet
laboriosissimse fuerint in Orientem ad era Moscovise, Novse Zemlse
et Groenlandice, nihilominus desudarunt in partibus Occidentalibus
(occupata jam etiam illic, et colonijs suis insessa Virginia) ut sibi

190 HESSEL GERRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

passage they have sought for between Greenland and Nova
Francia. Their efforts have as yet been fruitless, and
through ice and snow they have in vain fought their Avay
up to 70° or even 80° of northern latitude. The strait which
they have thus explored bears the name of its first disco-
verer, John Davis. The last navigator who went along
that way was Captain George Weymouth, who sailed in the
year 1602, and who, after a voyage of five hundred leagues,
was, like his predecessors, forced by the ice to return. But
on purpose to draw at least some advantage from his expe-
dition, he directed his course to the bay under 61°, which
the English call Lumley's Inlet, and sailed a hundred
leagues in a south-westerly direction into it. Having gone
so far, he found himself landlocked, and despairing of a
passage, he was, by the weakness of his crew and by other
causes, forced to return. He, however, first explored two
more bays between that country and Baccalaos, and found
there the water wide and mighty like an open sea, with very
great tides.

This voyage, though far from fulfilling Weymouth's hopes.

transitum, intra GrcBnlandiam, et Novam Franciam qusererent sed
frustra hactenus, seducti via in Septemtrionem obducta nivibus et
glacie, elaboratum est, usque ad altitudinem septuaginta, aut
octaginta graduum, nomenque traxit fretum ab inventor e primo
Joanne Davis, postremus qui idem iter instituit, praefectus fuit
Georgius Weymouth, qui anno millesimo sexcentesimo secundo
quingentas leucas navigando emensus est, sed glaciei copia coactus
est, ut et alij antecessores, in patriam redire. Sedne irritus plane
esset conatus, navigans denuo, ad altitudinem sexaginta et unius
gradus, per sinum quera Angli Lumles Inlet dicunt, ibi ob occi-
dente in meridiem deflectens centum leucas, postea objectu terrae,
transitum non inveniens, imbecillitate sociorum, alijsque de causis,
coactus est reverti nihilominus et duos alios sinus lustravit, non
sine maxima aquarum copia maris instar, et maximo fluxu et
refluxu, intra terram banc, et earn quam Baccalaos appellant.

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 191

assisted Hudson very materially in finding his famous strait.
George Weymouth's logbooks fell into the hands of the
Rev. Peter Plancius, who pays the most diligent attention
to such new discoveries, chiefly when they may be of ad-
vantage to our own country; and when in 1609 Hudson
was preparing to undertake a voyage for the Directors of
the East India Company, in search of a passage to China
and Cathay by the north of Nova Zembla, he obtained these
logbooks from Peter Plancius. Out of them he learnt this
whole voyage of George Weymouth, through the narrows
north of Virginia till into the great inland sea ; and thence
he concluded that this road would lead him to India. But
Peter Plancius refuted this latter opinion from the accounts
of a man who had searched and explored the western shore
of that sea, and had stated that it formed an unbroken line of
coast. Hudson, in spite of this advice, sailed westward
to try what chance of a passage might be left there, having
first gone to Nova Zembla, where he found the sea entirely
blocked up by ice and snow. He seems, however, accord-

Hsec navigatio licet turn temporis, votis, non responderit, tamen
diaria Georgij Weymouth, (quae incideru.nt in manus D. P. Plantij
curiosissimi rerum novarum investigatoris, in usum patrice hujus
reique nautica3) usui fuerunt maximo, H. Hudsoni, in investiga-
tione hujus faraosissimi freti, cum enim anno millesimo sexcen-
tesimo et nono, ille ageret cum Prsefectis Indicse navigationis, de
via inquirenda in Chinam et Cathayam, supra Novam Zemlam,
hsec a D. P. Plantio impetravit Diaria, ex quibus totu istud iter
Georgij Weymouth per angustius supra Virginiam didicit, usque
ad Oceanum qui eam alluit, hinc ista opinio invaluit, hac via sola
patere aditum ad Indos ; sed quam fallax sit, docuit ilium D. P.
Plantius, ex relatu cujusdam, qui in parte Occidentali, terram esse
continentem asseverarat, eamque lustrarat. Hudsonus nihilominus
in Oriente, et Nova Zemla, viam sibi a glacie, nivibus, praeclusam
videns, in Occidentem navigavit, ut quid spei superesset inquireret;
non recto itinere (ut hie fertur) ut patriie huic nostrse, et preefectis

192 HESSEL GERRITZ's VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

ing to the opinion of our countrymen, purposely to have
missed the right road to the western passage, unwilling to
benefit Holland and the Directors of the Dutch East India
Company by such a discovery. All he did in the west in
1609 was to exchange his merchandise for furs in New
France. He then returned safely to England, where he was
accused of having undertaken a voyage to the detriment of
his own country. Still anxious to discover a western pas-
sage, he again set out in 1610, and directed his course to
Davis's Strait. There he entered in latitude 61° the path
pointed out by George "Weymouth, and explored all the
shores laid down in the present chart,^ up to the height of
63°. He then sailed to the south, down to 54°,^ where he
wintered. When he left his winter quarters he ran along
the western shore for forty leagues, and fell in, under 60°,
with a wide sea, agitated by mighty tides from the north-
west. This circumstance inspired Hudson with great hope

prodesset, tantum in Nova Francia mercibus suis commutatis, pro
pellibus, salvus in Angliam reversus est, ibique accusatus in detri-
mentum Patriae Anglise navigationes suas instituisse. Iterum iter
succepit, non minori studio de transitu investigando in Occidente,
tendens in Fretum Davis, anno millesimo sexcentesimo e decimo,
usque ad altitudinem unius et sexaginta graduum, ingressus semi-
tam Georgij Weymouth, omnes oras lustravit, hac in tabula deU-
neatas, usque ad gradus sexaginta tres, deflexit in Meridiem usque
ad gradus quinquaginta quatuor, sub ijs hybevnavit, solvens istinc
littus Occidentale leges, ascendit usque ad gradum sexagesimu,
recta navigans, quadraginta leucas, amplu pelagus deprehedit,
fluctibus a Cauro agitatis superbiens : Ex his non exigua spes
transeundi Hudsono aflPulsit, nee voluntas senatui nautico defuit,
sed fastidium, et malevolentia sociorum scrupulum injicere, ob
victus inopiam, cum ijs tatum in octo menses prospectum esset,
nihilque toto itinere aHmento dignum in manus eorum incideret,

^ His Chart {Zyne Caerte), according to the Dutch edition.
^ 52 degrees (52 ste. graed) Dutch edition.

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 193

of finding a passage, and his officers were quite ready to
undertake a further search ; but the crew, weary of the long
voyage, and unwilling to continue it, bethought themselves
of the want of victuals, with which they had been provided
for eight months only, and to which no additions had been
made during the voyage, except one large animal which an
Indian brought. This Indian was armed with a Mexican or
Japonese oris (poniard), from which fact Hudson concluded
that a place which possessed Mexican arms and productions
could not be far distant from that country.^ At last the ill will
of the crew prevailed. They exposed Hudson and the other
officers in a boat on the open sea, and returned into their
country. There they have been thrown into prison for their
crime, and will be kept there until their captain shall be
safely brought home.^ For that purpose some ships have been

nisi forti Indus quidam, qui Crissio Mexicano, seu Japonensi
armatus, feram attuht, ex quo Hudsonus conjiciebat, se non longe
a Mexicanis abesse, quorum arma, et commercia videret. Tandem
prsevaluit sociorum malevolentia, qui Hudsonum, cum reHquisprse-
fectis scapha exposuerunt in mare, ipsi patriam petiere, quam cum
appulissent, ob scelus commissum in carceres detrusi sunt, ibique
detinentur, donee prsefectus eorum Hudsonus salvus suis resti-
tuatur, ab ijs, quibus id negotij superiori anno millesimo sexcen-

'^ Wherefrom it appears that the people of that country have some
communication with those along the Pacific Ocean. {Daer wt dattet
schijnt die natie daer te lande ghemeenschaj) te hebben met die aen de
Zuyder Zee.) Dutch edition.

^ The Dutch edition, published several months before the Latin, has
from this point an entirely different termination : " He is being searched
for by the ships which have been sent out this summer by the mer-
chants and by the Prince of Wales, who is said to assist them. These
ships are not expected to return before they will have been in Mare del
Zur. We wish them good luck." {Die ghesocht loort van de scheepens
die dese somer derwaert gesonden zijn van de Coopluyden ende van den
Prince van Wallis die daer de hand aen hoiit., soo ghesegt wort, Welche
scheepens men meent niet te sullen weder komen eer sg al heel sullen tot
in Alar del Zur geweest hebhen, daer xvy haer gheluck toe u-enschen.)

194 HESSEL GERRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, ETC.

sent out last year (1612) by the late Prince of Wales^ and by
the Directors of the Moscovia Company, about the return of
which nothing has as yet been heard. We may therefore
hope that they have passed beyond that strait, and we do not
think that we shall hear anything about them before they
return to England from East India or China and Japan,
by the same road by which they went out. This, we hope
and pray, may come to pass. Nor has the zeal of our
fellow citizens of Amsterdam cooled down. They have
some months ago sent out a ship, to search for a passage or
for Hudson's Strait, to try whether any convenient inter-
course can be established with those places, or, if this should
be found impossible, to trade on the coasts of New France.^

tesimo et duodecimo, jussu Principis Wallise pise memoriae, et
Prsefectorum Russice navigationis commissum est; de quorum reditu
hactemis nihil inauditum, hinc spes aliqua affulget, eas angustias
illas superasse nee judicamus quid certe nos inaudituros prius-
quam ex Indise Orientali redierint, aut ubi cum Chinensibus,
aut Japonensibus sua transegerint, eademque via in Angliam redie-
rint : quod felix et faustum sit precamur unice.

Nee fervor iste in nostris Amsterodamensibus deferbuit plane
superioribus enim mensibus ab ijs emissa est navis, eo tantum fine,
ut de transitu, vel Freto Hudson! inquireret, et num commercij
locus sit in istis oris, si vero eventus votis non respondeat, in oris
Novae Francise negotiabuntur.

^ Henry, Prince of Wales, died in November, 1612, between the pub-
lication of the first and second editions of Hessel Gerritz. The ships
sent out were commanded by Button, the discoverer of Button's Bay, a
gentleman of Prince Henry's household. Button wintered in Hudson's
Bay and returned in autumn, 1613.

^ For an account of this expedition see O'Callaghan, History of New
Netherland, i, pp. 68, 69.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX.

VOYAGE OF JOHN DE VERAZZANO ALONG THE

COAST OF NORTH AMERICA FROM CAROLINA

TO NEWFOUNDLAND (CONTAINING THE

FIRST DISCOVERY O^ HUDSON'S

RIVER), A.D. 1524.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL ITALIAN, BY JOSEPH G.
COGSWELL, ESQ., MEMBER OF THE N. Y. HIST. SOC, ETC.

(from " N. Y. HIST. SOC. COLL,," NEW SERIES, VOL. I,)

PRELIMINARY NOTICE BY THE TRANSLATOR.

The following paper is a new translation of the letter written by
Verazzano on his return from his first voyage to the western con-
tinent, giving an account of his discoveries to Francis I of France,
by whose orders he had undertaken it. It is made from a copy of
the original manuscript in the Magliabecchian Library at Florence,
which was presented to the New York Historical Society by G. W.
Greene, Esq., now Consul of the United States at Rome. A trans-
lation of part of the same letter is printed in the first volume of
the Society's "Collections", which was taken from Hakluyt,Mvho
followed the original as given by Ramusio ; but as that varies in
substance, in some few instances, from the Magliabecchian ; and
as Hakluyt's translation is throughout obscure and antiquated in
language, it seems requisite to publish the one which has been
made from the Society's copy. This letter is in itself highly inte-
resting and important ; and is rendered still more so from the fact
of its being the earliest original account in existence of the Atlantic

' From Hakluyt's Divers Voyages, a new edition of which, by J. Winter
Jones, Esq., forms part of the publications of the Hakluyt Society.

198 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

coast of the United States, nearly the whole extent of which was
visited by Verazzano during the voyage described in it. It is
worthy of remark that the name by which the western continent is
now known, is not used by Verazzano in the account of his visit
to it, owing probably to the recent and not universal adoption of
it : it is possible even that he was ignorant of its having been
applied.

With respect to the comparative authenticity of the manuscript
used by Ramusio, and that from which our copy is taken, we have
nothing conclusive to offer : we can only say that the internal evi-
dence is greatly in favour of the latter. Mr. Greene, who took up
the whole subject in an article in the North American Revieiv for
October 1837, remarks that there are in Ramusio such variations
from the Magliabecchian manuscript as can only be accounted for
by supposing that the editor must have worked the whole piece
over anew, correcting the errors of language upon his own autho-
rity. Something of the kind was evidently done : the language of
the two is very different ; and that used in the manuscript from
which the present translation is made, has strong marks of being
in the very form in which it was moulded by Verazzano. It is
throughout just as sailors of little education commonly write : little
or no regard is paid to grammar ; the sentences run into each
other ; the subjects are thrown together confusedly ; parenthetical
clauses constantly break the thread of the narrative ; and there are
no points from beginning to end. From such a labyrinth of words
it is not easy to affirm that the precise meaning has always been
unravelled ; but all possible pains have been taken to render the
Italian original as exactly and as clearly as the barbarous style in
which that is written would admit. The cosmographical descrip-
tion at the close is not found in Hakluyt, and it was not published
in the volume of " Collections" before cited. It is now added,
rather on account of the curious evidence it furnishes of the state
of nautical science at that time, than of any valuable knowledge

to be drawn from it.

J. G. C.

New York, Jan. 9th, 1841.

The editor of the present volume, whilst acknowledging his
great obligations to Professor Cogswell, cannot share his opinions

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON's RIVER. 199

about the cosmographical appendix. Before that appendix was
published, Verazzano's voyage seemed without a purpose. In the
appendix it is clearly stated that Verazzano, like the Cabots and
Hudson, and like nearly all the north-western discoverers, sought
a way to Cathay. This fact, which connects the first discoverer of
Hudson's river so closely with the navigator whose name the river
bears, is of paramount importance for oi;r subject. It is the prin-
cipal reason for inserting the letter in this collection.

VOYAGE,

ETC.

Captain John de Verazzano to his most Serene Majesty
THE King of France, writes :

Since the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts,
I have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty con-
cerning the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to
discover new lands, because I thought you must have been before
apprized of all that had happened to us ; that we had been com-
pelled, by the impetuous violence of the winds, to put into Brit-
tany in distress, with only the two ships Normandy and Dolphin ;
and that, after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in
them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must
have heard ; and also of our new plan of continuing our begun
voyage with the Dolphin alone. From this voyage being now

Da poi la fortuna passata nelle spiagge settentrionali, Ser^^o Signore
non scrissi a vostra serenissima et cristianissima Maesta quello che era
seguito delli quattro legni che quella mando per lo oceano ad iscoprir
nuove terre, pensando di tutto sia stata certificata come dalle impetuose
forze de' venti fummo costretti con sola la nave Normanda e Dalfina
afflitti ricorrere in brettagna dove resturate avia V. S. M. inteso il dis-
corso facemmo con quelle armate in guerra j^er li lidi di Spagna, di poi
la nuova disposizione con sola la dalfina in sequire la prima navigazione,

200 VERAZZAMO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

returned, I proceed to give your Majesty an account of our disco-
veries.

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock
near the island of Madeira, belonging to his most Serene Majesty
the King of Portugal, with fifty men ; having provisions sufficient
for eight months, arms, and other warlike munition and naval
stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze,
in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 24th of
February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever
weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance
and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of
our good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of
the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the west, a little north-
wardly, in twenty -four days more, having run four hundred leagues,
we reached a new country which had never befoi'e been seen by
any one either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared
to be very low ; but on approaching it to within a quarter of a
league from the shore, we perceived, by the great fires near the
coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the
south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port

dalla quale essendo ritornato dar6 adviso a V. S. M. di quelle abbiamo
trovato.

Dallo deserto scopulo propinquo alia isola di Madera del Ser'"o re di
Portogallo con la detta dalflna alii 17. del passato mese di gennajo con
cinquanta uomini forniti di vettovaglie, arme et altri struuxenti bellici e
munizione navale per otto mesi partimmo navigando per zeffiro spirando
subsolano con dolce e soavo levita, in venticinque giorni corremmo leghe
800, e 11 di 14 di Pebbrajo passammo una tormenta tanto aspera quanto
mai alcuno che navigasse passasse. Delia quale con lo divino ajuto e
bontade e laude, del glorioso noma e fortunato fatti atti a sopportare la
violenta ouda del mare, fummo liberi, e seguimmo nostra navigazione
continuando verso 1' occidente pigliando alquanto del settentrione, e iu
venti cinque altri giorni corremmo piii oltre leghe 400, dove ci apparse
una nuova terra mai da alcuno antico o moderno vista. Mostravasi
alquanto bassa al principio, rati approssimatici a un quarto di lega conos-
cemmo quella per li grandissimi' fuochi facevano al lito del mare essere
abitata: vedemmo correva verso I'Austro, custrandola per trovar alcuna
porto dove potessimo con la nave sorgere per investigare la natura di

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON's KIVER. 201

in which we might come to an anchor and examine into the nature
of the countrj' ; but for fifty leagues we could find none in which
we could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretched to the
south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the north-
ward ; and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the
land, and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen
coming to the sea-side, fled at our approach ; but occasionally
stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some
were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come to us.
These shewed the greatest delight on beholding us, wondering at
our dress, countenances, and complexion. They then shewed us
by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and
offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know
all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs
of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go
entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small
animals, like martens, fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to
which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals,
hanging down to the knees. All other parts of the body and the
head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds' feathers.
The complexion of these peoiDle is black, not much different

quella in spazio di leghe 50 non trovammo porto prossimo alcuno dove
sicuri potessimo posare e visto che continuo scendeva verso I'Austro
deliberammo tornare a rigarla verso 11 settentrione donde il raedesimo
trovammo sorgendo alia costa mandando il battello a terra avemmo vista
di molta gente che venivano al lido del mare et vedendo approssimarci
fuggirono alcuna volta fermandosi si voltavano addietro con grande
ammirazione risguardando, ma assicurandoli noi con varj segni, venivano
alcuni di quegli, mostrando grande allegrezza a vederci maravigliandosi
di nostri abiti e figure e bianchezza facendene varj segni dove col battello
dovessirao pivi commodamente scendere offerendone di loro vivande :
fummo alia terra e quello potessimo di loro vita e costumi conoscere con
brevita diro a V. S. M. Vanno del tuto nudi salvochfe alle parti pudi-
bunde portano alcune pelli di piccoli animali simili a martori con una
cintura d' erbe tessutu con code d' altri animali che pendono circuendo
il corpo seno alle ginocchia il resto nudo, il capo simile. Alcuni di loro
portano certe ghirlande simili di penne d' uccelli. Son di colore neri

20^ VERAZZAKO'S VOYAGE, AKD FIRST

from that of the Ethiopians. Their hair is black and thick, and
not very long ; it is worn tied back upon the head, in the form of
a little tail. In person they are of good proportions, of middle
stature, a little above our own ; broad across the breast, strong in
the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body.
The only exception to their good looks, is that they have broad
faces ; but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones,
with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very
strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far
as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars
they resemble the people of the East,^ especially those the most
remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their
usages on account of our short stay among them and the distance
of our ship from the shore.

We found, not far from this people, another, whose mode of life
we judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine
sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills,

non molto dagli Etiopi difForme i capelli neri e folti non molto lunghi i
quali legano insieme dietro alia testa in forma d' una piccola coda.
Quanto alia similitudine dell' uono some bene proporzionate di mezza
statura e piu presto a noi eccedono in nel petto ampli, nelle braccia dis-
poste le gambe e 1' altro del corpo bene composti : non hanno altro
salvo alquanto nel viso tendono in larghezza, non per6 tutti che a molti
vedemmo il viso profilato, gli occhi neri e grandi la guardatura fissa,
non sono di molta forza ma di ingenio acuti agili e grandissimi corri-
dori per quelle potemmo per esperienza conoscere. Somigliano per due
estremi agl' oriental! massime a quegli delle ultime regioni. Non po-
temmo di loro costumi molto in particulare comprendere per la poca
stanza facemmo alia terra, per essere suso 1' onde alia piaggia. Trovammo
non lungi di quegli altri populi de quali pensiamo il vivere sia con-

1 The resemblance between the nations of the eastern shores of Asia and
the aborigines of North America is a fact more and more confirmed by
modern research and travel. Still Verazzano, the first man who asserts it,
could not possibly make the comparison. His repeated assertions can only
be taken as proofs of the tendency of human nature strikingly described by
Cffisar : " Ho^nines fere libenter quod volant, credunt." He xoished to reach
Cathay ; and, therefore, he believed himself to be near it. Another not less
striking instance of the same tendency is to be found in Hessel Gerritsz's
remarks about the poniard of a Hudson's Bay Esquimaux, (p. 188.)

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON 's RIVER. 203

about fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several arms
of the sea, which make in through inlets, washing the shores on
both sides as the coast runs. An outstretched country appears at
a little distance, rising somewhat above the sandy shore, in beau-
tiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees
more or less dense, too various in colours, and too delightful and
charming in appearance to be described. I do not believe that
they are like the Hercynian forest, or the rough wilds of Scythia ;
and the northern regions full of vines and common trees ; but
adorned with palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties, unknown
in Europe ; that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great dis-
tance ; but which we could not examine more closely for the reasons
before given, and not on account of any difficulty in traversing the
woods ; which, on the contrary, are easily penetrated.

As the " East " stretches around this country,^ I think it cannot
be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various
riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the
ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and

forme, e 11 lito b coperto tutto di una minuta rena alto piedi quindici,
estendosi in forma di piccoli colli largo passi cinquanta. Poi ascendendo
si trovani alcuni bracci di mare che entrano per alcune foci rigando il
lito dair una all' altra parte come corre il lito di quello. A presso si
mostra la terra lata tanto eminente che eccede il lito arenoso, con belle
campagne e province pieue di grandissime selve ; parte rare e parte
dense, vestite di varj colori di abori di tanta vaghezza e dilettevole guar-
datura quanto esprimere sia possible, ne credo quelle sieno come la
ercinea selva o le aspre solitudini di scitia o piaggie settentrionali prene
di viti e arbori, ma ornate di palme, lauri, e cipressi e altre varieta d'
arbori incogniti alia nostra Europa quali da lungo spazio spirano sua-
vissimi odori i quali non possemmo conoscere per la causa sopra narrata
non che a noi fosse difficile per le selve discorrere che tutte sono pene-
trabili, ne pensiamo participando dello oriente per la circumferenza

1 The curious reader will fiud a further development of Verazzano's geo-
graphical notions in his cosmographical appendix to the letter to Francis I.
It is easy to perceive that these notions, though expressed in clear and often
very precise terms, were extremely vague, and that they cannot, without
violence, be tortured into a palpable shape. Tliey are, in this respect, closely
akin to the contemporary geographical delineations.

204 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind
of pleasant and delightful sport. It is plentifully supplied with
lakes and ponds of running water ; and being in the latitude of
34°/ the air is salubrious, pure, and temperate, and free from the
extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in
these regions ; the most prevalent are the north-west and west. In
summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with
but little rain. If fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the
south wind, they are instantaneously dissipated, and at once it be-
comes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous,
and its waves are gentle. Although the whole coast is low and
without harbours, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from
rocks, and bold, so that, within four or five fathoms from the shore,
there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide; and this
depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The holding
ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent
the wind, as we proved by experience ; for while riding at anchor

sieno senza qualche drogheria o liquore aromatico et altre divitie oro ed
altro de quale colore la terra tutta tende, e copiosa di molti animali
daini, cervi, lepre, e simili. Di laghi e stagni di viva acqua copiosa con
varj numeri d' uccelli atti e commodi a ogui dilettevole piacere di vena-
gione. Sta questa terra gradi 34, 1' aria salubre pura e temperata dal
caldo e dal freddo. Veuti non impetuosi in quelli regione spirano e quelli
che pill continui regnano sono coro e zefiiro. Al tempo estivo del quale
noi fummo il cielo e sereno con rara pluvia, e se alcuna volta da venti
australi 1' aria incorre in qualche pruina o caliggine in uno stante non
durando ^ disfatta tornando pura e chiara, il mare tranquillo e non flut-
tuoso le onde del quale sono placide ancora che il lito tutto renda in
bassezza, e nudo di porti non perd e infesto a a naviganti essendo tutto
netto e senza alcuno scopulo e profondo che per iusino a 4 o 5 passi si
trova presso alia terra senza flusso o riflusso piedi venti d' acqua cre-
scendo tal proporzione uniforme alia profondita nel pelago con tanto
buono territorio che qualsivoglia nave da tempesta afSitta mai in quelle

1 Either this indication, or the direction of the course mentioned next page
(line 6), must be wrong. This circumstance renders a critical investigation
of Verazzano's track absolutely imjiossible. We must be satisfied with the
rather vague assertions, that the shore he first saw now forms pai't of
Carolina.

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON'S RIVER, 205

on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of
March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries ; we
found our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved
at all.

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore,
which we found stretching out to the west (east? ); the inhabitants
being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While
at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, we sent
the boat on shore with twenty-five men, to obtain water ; but it
was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on account
of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open
roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating, by
various friendly signs, that we might trust ourselves on shore. One
of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to
your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore
through the surf, to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells,
looking-glasses, and other like trifles ; when he came near three or
four of them he tossed the things to them, and turned about to
get back to the boat ; but he was thrown over by the waves, and
so dashed by them, that he lay as it were, dead upon the beach.
When these people saw him in this situation, they ran and took
him up by the head, legs, and arms, and carried him to a distance

parti non rompendo le funi potra perire e questo abbiamo provato per
esperienza. Imperocche per valere nel principio di Marzo come sempre
ogni regione essere suole le forze de venti sendo noi in alto mare surti
da procella oppress! prima trovammo la ancora rotta che nel foudo
arrasse o facesse movimento alcuno.

Partimmo di questo luogo continuo scorrendo la costo qual trovammo
tornava alio occidente veggendo per tutta quella grandissimi fuochi per
la moltitudine delli abitatori. Surgendo in quella alia piaggia per non
tenere porto alcuno, per necessita d'acqua mandammo il battello a terra
con 25 uomini, per le grandissime onde gittava il mare al lito per essere
la piaggia aperta non fu possibile senza pericolo di battello che alcuno
potesse in terra scendere, vedemmo molta gente venivano al lito facendo
varj segni d'amista mostrando fussimo a terra, fra quali vidi uno alto
magnifico come intendera V.S.M. Mandando noi a nuoto uno giovane
de' nostri mariuaria terra portando a queglialcuue fantasie come sonagli
specchi ed ultre geutilizze, ed essendo 3 o 4 giunti prossimo a quegli git-

206; VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

from the surf. The young man, finding himself borne off in this
way, uttered very loud shrieks, in fear and dismay, while they an-
swered as they could in their language, showing him that he had
no cause for fear. Afterwards, they laid him down at the foot of
a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trousers and examined
him, expressing the greatest astonishment at the whiteness of his
skin. Our sailors in the boat, seeing a great fire made up and their
companion placed very near it, — full of fear, as is usual in all cases
of novelty — imagined that the natives were about to roast him for
food. But as soon as he had recovered his strength, after a short
stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return aboard,
they hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to the
shore, then leaving him that he might feel more secure, they with-
drew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was
safe in the boat. This young man remarked that these people were
black, like the others ; that they had shining skins, middle stature,
and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs ; and that
they

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